An Atlas of Scottish History to 1707

Page Transcription
medieval-atlas/cover I I: , I, I '. ...,., CO IS I , IS or I ", to 1707 !dited by prtrr , II mcRrill and Mrctor E ffiac@urrn Cartograph£l': Hnona tRay Lyons Edinbut'gh: The .scottish ffiedieualists and llepartment of ileography, 14niuersity of idinburgh, 1996
medieval-atlas/title-page Atlas Scottish History to 1707 Edited by Peter G B McNeill and Hector L MacQueen Cartographer: Anona May Lyons Edinburgh: The Scottish Medievalists and Department of Geography, University of Edinburgh, 1996
medieval-atlas/publication-details Published jointly by The Scottish Medievalists and Department of Geography, University of Edinburgh, Drummond Street, Edinburgh EH8 9XP © Trustees of The Scottish Medievalists 1996, care of Professor HL MacQueen Department of Private Law, University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh EH8 9YL The moral rights of the contributors have been asserted. First published 1996. Reprinted with corrections 2000. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical photocopying recording or otherwise without the prior permission of the copy right holders ISBN 0 9503904 1 0 Printed and bound in Great Britain by Image & Print Group, Glasgow, Scotland.
medieval-atlas/title-page2 Atlas Scottish History to 1707
medieval-atlas/table-of-contents/i Contents Introduction List of contributors Key to lettering The MAPS Introductory Edited by Ian A Morrison Scotland: geography in history Scotland's place in the world: the view from Rome Scotland's place in the world: the view from London The location and shape of Scotland Stepping stones on the Viking seaways Scotland: view from the Celtic West Scotland: view from the feudalising South-east Routeways Galloway in context Firth of Forth and the North Sea Routeways: major lochs and drove roads Glaciation Scotland: Old Red Sandstone Scotland: glaciation Scotland: glacial scouring Scotland: agricultural potential Land-and sea-level changes Scotland: uplift contours Dumfries area: before deposit of carse clay Dumfries area: after deposit of carse clay Carse clays and other major expanses of post-glacial raised beaches The shaping of settlements Evolution of the coastline: East Neuk burghs Development of crag and tail formation Crag and tail formation: Edinburgh Crag and tail formation: Stirling The siting of settlements . Conjectural reconstruction of prehistoric crannog Conjectural reconstruction of medieval crannog Threave Castle: strategic location Threave Castle: tactical location on islet on the River Dee Stirling: strategic position Physical features, land use and settlements Subsistence potential of the land Scotland: relief Scotland and England: comparative areas Scotland: land quality . Climatic processes Latitude of Scotland and Greenland Ripening of cereal crops in northern Europe Annual temperature curves Accumulated temperature in day degrees Celsius Regional climates Start of the barley harvest, by month Start of the haymaking, by month Length of growing season Rainfall Annual potential water deficit xiv xvi xviii 1 1 2 3 3 4 4 5 ·6 6 7 7 8 8 8 9 10 11 11 11 12 12 12 12 13 13 14 14 15 16 16 17 17 18 18 18 19 19
medieval-atlas/table-of-contents/ii Climatic changes Northern hemisphere circulation pattern 20 Common zonal patterns 20 Phase of meridional thrusts 21 Northern limits of Gulf stream influence: Little Ice Age 21 Northern limits of Gulf stream influence: twentieth century 21 Interaction of natural and anthropogenic processes Multi-directional interplay of local and distant factors 23 Provinces and districts Provinces and districts 24 Scotland from abroad Scotland according to the Matthew Paris map 25 Scotland according to the Gough map 26 Administrative regions Counties before 1890 27 Counties after 1890 28 Regions, districts etc 1975 29 Territorial extent of Scotland Territorial extent of Scotland from 1098 30 Appendix: coinage Imperial and decimal coinage 31 Events to about 850 Edited by Lisbeth M Thorns The Roman Empire and Roman Britain The Roman Empire in the mid-second century 34 Modem Europe 34 Roman Britain: first and second centuries 35 Northern Britain according to Ptolemy 36 Roman Scotland in the first century (Flavian period) Temporary camps: late first century 37 , Permanent forts: late first century 38 Permanent forts of two phases: late first century 39 Roman Scotland in the mid-second century (Antonine period) Temporary camps: mid-second century 40 Permanent forts: mid-second century 41 Permanent forts of two phases: mid-second century 42 Roman Scotland in the late second to fourth centuries Camps and forts in Scotland in the Severan period 43 Permanent forts late second to fourth centuries 44 Roman finds from native sites from first to fourth centuries 45 Roman frontiers Roman frontiers: Forth-Clyde Isthmus, Agricola's troop dispositions 46 Roman frontiers: Gask Ridge sites 46 Roman frontiers: Hadrian's Wall 47 Roman frontiers: the Antonine Wall 47 Pictish and earlier archaeological sites . Ring ditch houses in southern Pictland 48 Sou terrains in southern Pictland: on the ground 48 Souterrains in southern Pictland: from the air 48 Pictish cairns 49 Square barrows 49 Pictish and British place-names Cumbric place-names 51 Pictish place-names 51 Overlapping place-names 51 Place-names containing tre! 51 Pictish territorial divisions Pictish territorial divisions
medieval-atlas/table-of-contents/iii Pictish monuments Pictish symbol stones . Pictish cross slabs and and other contemporary sculpture Pictish and Picto-Scottish monuments without symbols Stones with incised crosses Imported pottery 400 to 1000 Pottery imported into Scotland, northern Ireland and the Isle of Man, 400 to 1000 Gaelic place-names Place-names containing sliabhi Place-names containing cill Place-names containing baile Place-names containing achadh Anglian place-names Place-names containing ingtum, ingham, botl, and botl tun Place-names containing wic, ham and worth The Scots of Dalriada The chief kindreds of Dalriada Place-names according to Bede Place-names from Bede Ecclesiastical History in Scotland, northern England and northern Ireland Scandinavian place-names and settlements Place-names containing dalr Place-names containing bolstadr Place-names containing stadr Place-names containing setr Place-names containing byr, thvelt and bekkr Place-names containingfelllfJall Place-names containing kirkja Norse and native sites in Shetland scattalds Underhoull scattald in Unst (Shetland) Scattalds in Unst (Shetland) Viking graves Viking graves The Norse in Scotland Viking hoards Events from about 850 to 1460 Edited by Norman F Shead Scotland from about 842 to 1286 Scotia from about 842 to 1034 Scotland about 1040 to about 1107 Scotland of David 1(1124-53) The Comyns versus the Durwards in 1250s The Anglo-Scottish Border The Border to 1296 The Marches 1357 to 1384 The Marches in the fifteenth century Anglo-Scottish relations, David I to Alexander III Anglo-Scottish relations: David 1(1124-53) Anglo-Scottish relations: William I (1165-1214) Anglo-Scottish relations: Alexander 11 1214 to 1217 Anglo-Scottish relations: Alexander 11 1217 to 1249 Anglo-Scottish relations: Alexander III (1249-86) Edward I in Scotland Edward I in Scotland 1291 Edward I in Scotland 1296 Edward I in Scotland 1298 Edward I in Scotland 1300 iii 53 54 55 56 59 59 60 60 61 61 62 . 65 65 66 66 67 67 . 69 70 70 75 76 77 78 79 80 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 88
medieval-atlas/table-of-contents/iv Edward I in Scotland 1301 to 1302 Edward I in Scotland 1303 to 1304, outward journey Edward I in Scotland 1303 to 1304, inward journey and 1307 Edward I in Scotland 1291 to 1307, summary Succession, diplomacy and war The Great Cause and after: genealogical table The Great Cause: European setting The topography of the Great Cause: Scotland and England The topography of the Great Cause: Norham and Berwick upon Tweed Events 1296 to 1305: rebellion and defeat Scottish embassies abroad 1292 to 1329 Robert I (1306-29) Robert I's movements 1306 to 1307 Robert I's movements February 1307 to December 1308: guerrilla warfare Scottish recovery 1309 to 1318 Battle of Bannockburn 23-24 June 1314 Edward 11 in Scotland 1307, 1310 and 1311 Edward 11 in Scotland 1314 Edward 11 in Scotland 1322 The Bruces in Ireland Robert I's later campaigns: eastern routes Robert I's later campaigns: western routes Lands of Robert I's chief supporters Anglo-Scottish relations 1329 to 1422 David 11, Edward Balliol and Edward III 1332 to 1333 David 11, Edward Balliol and Edward III about 1336 David 11, Edward Balliol and Edward III about 1340 David 11, Edward Balliol and Edward III about 1343 Anglo-Scottish relations 1379 to 1388 Anglo-Scottish relations 1400 to 1422 James 11 (1437-60) The Livingstons 1449 to 1452 The lands of the Black Douglases and their allies about 1452 The civil wars 1450 to 1455 The act of annexation 1455 Scotland and Europe Royal marriages 1107 to 1286 Royal marriages 1292 to 1406 Royal marriages 1406 to 1603 The Scots in France in the 1420s Events from 1460 to 1707 Edited by Norman T Macdougall Major feuds in late medieval Scotland Feuds, battles and baronial confrontations in Scotland 1480 to 1500 Anglo-Scottish relations 1460 to 1465 Scotland and the civil wars in England 1460 to 1465 The crises of 1482 and 1488 The crisis of 1482 The crisis of 1488 Anglo-Scottish relations: James IV and the Governor Albany Campaign of J ames IV 1496 Campaign of the Governor Albany 1523 James V (1513-42) French holiday of James V 1536 to 1537 The marriages of J ames The itinerary of James V 1526 to 1531 The itinerary of James V 1533 to 1537 The itinerary of James V 1538 to 1542 . 90 91 92 92 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 99 99 101 102 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 114 114 115 117 118 119 . -120 121 121 122 123 124 125 126
medieval-atlas/table-of-contents/v AngloaScottish relations: the 'Rough Wooing' 1544 to 1550 The English invasion 1547 127 English strongpoints 1547 to 1550 128 French and Scottish strongpoints 1550 128 The Reformation parliament 1560 The nobles in parliament 1560 129 The lairds in parliament 1560 129 The burghs in parliament 1560 130 The churchmen in parliament 1560 130 Mary, queen of Scots (1542a 67) Itineraries of Mary queen of Scots 1561 to1563 131 Itineraries of Mary queen of Scots 1564 to 1565 132 Itineraries of Mary queen of Scots, the Chaseabout Raid 1565 132 Itineraries of Mary queen of Scots 1566 to 1568 132 lames VI (1567a I625) Progressses of James VI before 1603 133 Itinerary of J ames VI 1617 133 The civil war 1567 to 1573 The civil war: the queen's men, earls and lords 134 The civil war: the queen's men, bishops and commendators 135 The civil war: the king's men 136 The house of Hamilton 1554 to 1573 The house of Hamilton: secular landholding 1554 to 1573 137 The house of Hamilton: ecclesiastical benefices 1554 to 1573 137 The civil wars 1639 to 1651 The first bishops' war 1639 138 The second bishops' war 1640 139 Royalist risings and invasions 1640 to 1650 140 The Montrose campaigns I: August 1644 to April 1645 141 The Montrose campaigns H: April to August 1645 141 The Scottish armies in England and Ireland 1642 to 1651 142 The Cromwellian conquest of Scotland 1650 to 1651 144 The Pentland Rising of 1666 The rebels' movements 145 The Government reaction 145 Aftermath and repercussions 146 The Bothwell Brig rebellion 1679 The Bothwell Brig rebellion: the progress of the rebellion 147 The Bothwell Brig rebellion: the aftermath 147 Clan support for the house of Stuart Clan support for the Stuarts: the Scottish civil war 1644 to 1647 149 Clan support for the Stuarts: the first Jacobite rising 1689 to 1690 150 The Union: support and opposition Civil opposition to the Union 152 Ecclesiastical/parochial opposition to the Union 153 Voting pattern: treaty of union 153 Scotland and the New World The Lordship of Nova Scotia; the lordship of Canada 154 The Scots in the Caribbean 1626 to 1707 155 Central America: modern political divisions 156 Darien 156 Administration Edited by Hector L Mac Queen PhlllCeadates of royal charters to 1296 Genealogical table: Malcolm III to James V 158 Place-dates to 1153 159 Place-dates: Malcolm IV (1153-65) 160 Place-dates: William 1(1165-1214) 161 Place-dates: Alexander n (1214-49) 162
medieval-atlas/table-of-contents/vi Place-dates: Alexander III (1249-86) 163 Place-dates: the Guardians 1286 to 1292 164 Place-dates: John (1292-96) 165 Place-dates of Robert I (1306-29) Place-dates: Robert I 1308 to February 1314 166 Place-dates: Robert I November 1314 to February 1317 167 Place-dates: Robert I 1 March 1317 to 3 August 1323 168 Place-dates: Robert I 10 August 1323 to 16 February 1328 169 Place-dates: Robert I 1328 to 1329 170 Place-dates: Robert I, summary before 1153 to 1542 170 Place-dates: David 11 to James V Place-dates: David 11 1329 to 1346 171 Place-dates: David 11 1357 to 1371 172 Place-dates: Robert 11 (1371-90) 173 Place-dates: Robert III April 1390 to April 1398 174 Place-dates: Robert III April 1398 to 1406 175 Place-dates: Robert, duke of Albany, governor (1406-20) 176 Place-dates: Murdoch, duke of Albany, governor (1420-24) 176 Place-dates: James I 1424 to 1437 177 Place-dates: James n 1437 to 1449 178 Place-dates: James U 1450 to 1460 179 Place-dates: James III (1460-88) 180 Place-dates: James IV (1488-1513) 181 Place-dates: James V (1513-42) 182 Place-dates: Malcolm IV to James V, summary 182 Earldoms and 'provincial lordships' 1124 to 1286 Earldoms 1124 to 1286 184 'Provincial lordships' 1124 to 1286 185. Earldoms and 'provincial lordships' 1124 to 1286 186 Shires and thanages Shires before about 1350 187 Thanagesabout 1350 188 Breitheamh, breive, dempster and deemster Breithearnh, breive, dempster and deemster 189 Toiseachdeor Toiseachdeor 190 Comhdhail: 'popular' courts Cornhdhail: 'popular' courts in early medieval Scotland 191 Sheriffdoms Sheriffdoms recorded by 1165 192 Sheriffdoms recorded by 1214 193 Sheriffdoms recorded by 1300 194 Justice ayres in the late thirteenth century Justice ayres in the late thirteenth century 195 Burghs to 1300 Burghs in existence by 1153 196 Burghs in existence by 1214 197 Burghs in existence by 1300 198 Forests 1124 to 1286 Royal forests 1124 to 1286 199 Baronial forests 1124 to 1286 200 Baronies, lordships and earldoms in the early 15th century Baronies about 1405, (1) northern Scotland 202 Baronies about 1405, (2) eastern Scotland 203 Baronies about 1405, (3) central and south-eastern Scotland 204 Baronies about 1405, (4) south-western Scotland 205 Earldoms and lordships about 1405 206 Ragalities about 1405 207 Sheriffs, stewards and bailies Sheriffs, stewards and bailies about 1360 208
medieval-atlas/table-of-contents/vii Sheriffs, stewards and bailies about 1455 209 Sheriffs, stewards and bailies about 1501 210 Justice ayres nn the fifteenth century Justice ayres in the fifteenth century 211 Burghs 1426 tQ 1550 Burghs with feu farm status by 1426 212 Burghs 1430 to 1500 213 Burghs 1501 to 1550 214 Burghs with gilds merchant by 1550 215 Forests 1286 to 1513 Royal forests 1286 to 1513 216 Baronial forests 1286 to 1513 217 Ettrick Forest 218 The Session The session 1457/8 219 Council districts 1464/5 219 Council districts 1503 219 Council sittings 1488 to 1513 220 Court of session districts 1517, 1532 220 Court of session districts 1590 220 Lords of erection Lords of erection 221 Justices of the peace 1587 to 1663 Justices of the peace 1587 222 Justices of the peace 1610 222 Justices of the peace 1663 222 Circuit courts 1672 Circuit courts 1672 223 Pariiament 1660 tQ 1iOi Parliament: the bishops 1662 to 1689 224 Parliament: the lords 1706 225 Parliament: the shires before 1707 226 Parliament: the shires from 1707 227 Parliament: the burghs before 1707 228 Parliament: the burghs from 1707 229 Economic development Edited by Michael Lynch and David Ditchbum Burghs Status of burghs in 1430 231 Burghs: change in status before 1430 232 Royal burghs ands burghs of barony Royal burghs and burghs of barony to 1707 233 Burgh trading liberties Burgh trading liberties: Aberdeen 234 Burgh trading liberties: Ayr and Irvine 234 Burgh trading liberties: Dunfermline, Kirkcaldy and Inverkeithing 235 Burgesses' landed interest Burgesses' landed interest in the fourteenth century: Aberdeen, Perth and Edinburgh 236 Burgesses' landed interest in the seventeenth century: Edinburgh 236 Trade: wool producing monasteriies Wool producing monasteries 237 Overseas trade: the Middle Ages to the sixteenth century Economic regions until the Wars of Independence 238 Position of Edinburgh after the Wars of Independence 239 Distances from Leith to the main European ports in miles 240 Meuse-Scheldt estuary 240 Overseas trade: annual average customs receipts 1327 to 1599 240 vii
medieval-atlas/table-of-contents/viii Annual average exports 1327 to 1599 241 Burghs' share of customs: fourteenth century 242 Burghs' share of customs: fifteenth century 242 Burghs' share of customs: sixteenth century 242 Restructuring urban economies in the later Middle Ages Exports by commodity 1327 to 1599 244 Foreign traffic and bullion exports 1331 to 1333 English traffic and bullion exports 1331 to 1333 248 Commodities exported by foreigners 1331 to 1333 249 Customs on exports, All Commodities, all burghs 1327 to 1599 250 Customs on exports, by burgh, Wool 1327 to 1599 251 Customs on exports, by burgh, Woolfells 1327 to 1599 252 Customs on exports, by burgh, Hides 1327 to 1599 253 Customs on exports, by burgh, Skins 1475 to 1599 254 Customs on exports, by burgh, Cloth 1425 to 1599 255 Customs on exports, by burgh, Salmon 1430 to 1599 256 Customs on exports, by burgh, Herring 1425 to 1599 257 Customs on exports, by burgh, Cod 1435 to 1599 258 Customs on exports, by burgh, Salt 1435 to 1599 259 Customs on exports, by burgh, Coal 1425 to 1599 260 Destinations of ships from Leith Destinations of ships leaving Leith 1510 to 1513 261 Trade with northern Europe: Scottish ports Before 1350 262 1350 to 1500 262 1500 to 1600 262 1600 to 1700 262 Scottish emigration to the Baltic Scottish emigration to the Baltic before and after 1500 263 Trade with northern Europe: BantD.c ports Scottish trade with northern Europe: Baltic ports, before 1350 264 Scottish trade with northern Europe: Baltic ports, 1350 to 1500 264 Scottish trade with northern Europe: Baltic ports, 1500 to 1600 265 Scottish trade with northern Europe: Baltic ports, 1600 to 1700 265 . Scottish trade in the seventeenth century Customs receipts to 1599 266 Contemporary survey of exports 1611 to 1614 267 Ports of departure of Scottish ships to Zeeland and Veere 267 Meuse-Scheldt estuary 267 Destination of exports from Dundee and Aberdeen 1580 to 1618 269 Edinburgh shipping 1611 to 1623 270 Imports into Leith: 1621 to 1623 271 Ships from Scottish ports to Leith 1638 to 1639 272 Customs and excise duties: customs precincts 1656 273 Scottish shipping 1656 274 Scottish shipping 1692 275 Imports 1686 to 1696: deals, iron, madder and leather 1686 to 1696 276 Imports 1686 to 1696: French wine, dried fruit, hops and pots 1686 to 1696 276 Exports and imports 1680 to 1686 277 Number of ships departing from Scotland to the Baltic, Norway and northwest Germany 1680 to 1686 278 Number of ships arriving in Scotland from the Baltic, Norway and north-west Germany 1680 to 1686 279 Number of ships departing from Scotland to the Netherlands, Flanders and France 1680 to 1686 280 Number of ships arriving in Scotland from the Netherlands, Flanders and France 1680 to 1686 281 Number of ships departing from Scotland to England, Spain and America 1680 to 1686 282 viii
medieval-atlas/table-of-contents/ix Number of ships arriving in Scotland from England, Spain and America 1680 to 1686 283 Medieval land assessment Davachs and ouncelands in Scotland 284 Davach names in south-west Scotland 284 Pennylands in Scotland before 1600 285 Ploughgates in Scotland before 1600 285 Medieval rural settlement Medieval rural settlement from later estate plans 287 Runrig lands of Auchencrow 288 Medieval township economy Medieval township economy: the lands of Forbes, parish of Clatt about 1771 289 Feuing of church lands in the sixteenth century Percentage of feus granted to sitting tenants 290 Feuing of lands in the barony of Strathisla 291 Customary succession in leases Pattern of leases in lands of Coupar Angus Abbey 1464 to 1560 292 Customary inheritance in leases in the lands of Paisley abbey 1526 to 1525 293 Customary inheritance in leases in the lands of barony of Glasgow about 1509 to 1570 293 Enclosures Enclosures in East Lothian in the seventeenth century 294 Markets and fairs outside burghs Markets outside burghs 1707 295 Fairs outside burghs 1707 295 Employment Male employment in rural industry, Aberdeenshire 1696 296 Growth of manufactories Growth of manufactories in Scotland 1590 to 1707 297 Taxation in me«:llnevall §cotll211111dl Old extent of church benefices before 1267 298 Tax assements of lay and ecclesiastical estates before 1286 299 Nicholas IV tithe in England and Wales 1291 to 1292 300 Nicholas IV tithe 1292 in Scotland 1291 to 1292 301 Assessed income 'of lay and ecclesiastical estates 1366 302 Assessed income of church benefices 1366 303 Taxed income of lay freeholders and their tenants 1365 to 1373 304 Taxed income of the church and its tenants 1365 to 1373 305 BUlrgh f21rms Burgh farms 1327 to 1331 306 Burgh farms 1330 to 1479 307 Taxed burgh income 1366 to 1373 308 T21xation of burghs 1535 to 1705 North-west and Tayside burghs paying taxation in 1485 and 1535 309 Tax assessments on north-east and Tayside region in 1485 and 1535 309 Taxation of the main burghs 1535 to 1705 310 Fluctuations in burgh tax assessments: 1535 to 1635 311 Burgh tax assessments by region 1535 to 1705 312 Assessments in burghs 1587 Tax and customs assessments 1587 314 Burgh tax assessments: Aberdeen and Edillllburgh Social structure of burgh tax assessments, Aberdeen 1608 316 Social structure of burgh tax assessments, Edinburgh 1583 317 Vahlled rents of burghs 1639 Valued rents of individual burghs 1639 318 Valued rents 1639 and conventional tax assessments 1635 319 Ranking of valued rents of burghs 1639 320 IHIe21r1l:lln t21X 1691 Ranking of hearth tax of burghs and parishes 1691 321
medieval-atlas/table-of-contents/x Number of paid hearths 1691 322 Dumfries quarters and Linlithgow quarters 1691 323 Poll tax 1694 Population of Edinburgh by parish 324 Number and average size of households in Edinburgh 324 Distribution of members of households in Edinburgh 325 Details of households in five Edinburgh parishes 325 Prices and wages Fiars for oatmeal and bear, Fife 326 Statute prices, Edinburgh town council 1550 to 1700 327 Statute prices, Glasgow town council 1550 to 1750 327 Wage rates of urban day-labourers 328 The debasement of the Scottish coinage 1475 to 1600 328 The church Edited by D E R Watt Early Christianity Early Christianity: Pictish and Anglian 330 Early Christianity: Irish 331 Early Christianity: place-names containing annat in Scotland 332 The post-Viking church The post-Viking church: major centres before 1100 333 The post-Viking church: sculptured stones in southern Scotland 334 The post-Viking church: bishops' seats 335 Ecclesiastical organisation The Scottish church about 1300 337 The Scottish church about 1520 338 The Church in north-western Europe Ecclesiastical provinces in north-western Europe in the fifteenth century 339 Monastic centres in Europe 339 Monastic orders Monastic orders and nunneries I 340 Monastic orders and nunneries n 341 Friaries Friaries founded in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries 342 Friaries founded in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries 343 Hospitals Hospitals first recorded before 1300 344 Hospitals first recorded in the fourteenth century 345 Hospitals first recorded in the fifteenth century 345 Hospitals first recorded between 1500 and 1560 345 Hospitals between 1560 and 1700 345 Collegiate churches Collegiate churches founded before 1400 346 Collegiate churches founded between 1400 and 1500 346 Collegiate churches founded after 1500 346 Parish churches about 1300 Parish churches about 1300: diocese of St Andrews 348 Parish churches about 1300: diocese of Glasgow 350 Parish churches about 1300: diocese of Dunblane 352 . Parish churches about 1300: diocese of Brechin 352 Parish churches about 1300: diocese of Dunkeld 353 Parish churches about 1300: diocese of Aberdeen 354 Parish churches about 1300: diocese of Moray 355 Parish churches about 1300: diocese of Caithness 356 Parish churches about 1300: diocese of Ross 356 Parish churches about 1300: diocese of Galloway 357 Parish churches about 1300: diocese of Argyll 358 Parish churches about 1300: diocese of Orkney 359 Parish churches about 1300: diocese of The Isles 360
medieval-atlas/table-of-contents/xi Lands and churches of the see of St Andrews Lands and churches of the bishops of St Andrews about 1300 361 The Boar's Raik 362 Lands and chullrches of Kelso Abbey Kelso Abbey: distant lands and churches 363 Kelso Abbey: churches, chapels and hospitals 364 Kelso Abbey: other rights 365 Appropriations of some parJish churches by 1560 Appropriations of parish churches by 1560: cathedrals of Domoch, Aberdeen, Dunkeld and Glasgow 366 Appropriations of parish churches by 1560: Cistercian abbeys 367 Appropriations of parish churches by 1560: abbeys ofArbroath, Paisley and Holyrood 368 Church plans about 1120 to 1560 Church plans: greater churches (map) 371 Churcb plans: greater churches (plans) 373 Church plans: lesser churches (plans) 374 Church plans: lesser churches (map) 376 Shrines, hermitages and pilgrimages Shrines and hennitages from about 1100 to 1560 377 Pilgrimages from about 1100 to 1560 378 Courts spiritual Pre-Refonnation officials 379 Pre-Refonnation commissaries 380 Post -Refonnation commissaries 381 Ecclesiastical organisation: the earNy post~Reformation Proposed provinces for superintendents 1560 to 1561 i 383 Provinces of superintendents and commissioners about 1567 384 Diocesan structure as renewed 1572 ; 385 Thirteen model presbyteries 1581 386 Provinces of commissioners 1586 387 General assemblies and conventions of the kirk 1560 to 1653 388 Ecclesiastical organisation: the early seventeenth cent1ll11ry Presbyteries 1607 390 Provinces and seats of presbyteries 1642 to 1643 391 Covenanter dominance Supplications against the Prayer Book 1637 392 The Glasgow Assembly 1638 393 Depositions of ministers 1638 to 1651 394 The Restoration to the Revolution Conventicling: prosecutions 1666 to 1685 395 Conventicling: the laity 1666 to 1685 396 Conventicling: the clergy 1666 to 1685 397 The Caroline indulgences 1669, 1672 and 1687 398 Jacobean toleration 1687 399 Ejection of ministers after the Restoration 400 Parishes vacated after the Revolution 401 Ecclesiastical organisation: the early eighteenth century Parishes in the early eighteenth century 402 Synods in the early eighteenth century 403 Presbyteries in the early eighteenth century 404 Poor relief Poor relief 1695 to 1707 405 Roman Catholic recusancy Roman Catholic recusancy 1560 to 1603 407 Roman Catholic recusancy 1603 to 1685 408 Roman Catholic recusancy 1685 to 1707 410
medieval-atlas/table-of-contents/xii Social and cultural Edited by Geoffrey Stell Landholding, mid-twelfth century Landholding about 1150 to 1160 412 The growth. of military feudalism The growth of military feudalism from about 1100 to about 1240 413 Perambulations Perambulations: Crawford the twelfth to the thirteenth centuries 414 Perambulations: Cult, Cleish, Crambeth and the forest of Outh mid thirteenth century 415 Perambulations: shire of Kingoldrum 1253 to 1485 416 The Norman network Continental families and their chief lands north of the Channel 417 AngloaScottish landhollding before the Wars of Independence Lands of the Scottish kings and princes in England about 1100 to 1286 419 Anglo-Scottish landholding of the Scottish magnates about 1290 families and lands 420 Landed influence in the llate fifteenth centll.lJ!"Y Murray, Lennox, Home and Angus families 423 Buchan, Crawford, Morton and Arran families 424 . Bothwell, Huntly and Argyll families 425 LingUllRstic changes Gaelic language border 427 Gaelic in Scotland about 1660 428 Gaelic in Scotland about 1700 429 Mottes Distribution of mottes 430 Moated sites Distribution of moated sites 431 Castles and strongpoints Castles and strongpoints in southern Scotland and northern England about 1286 to 1315 432 Defensible houses Defensible houses in southern Scotland and northern England about 1500 to 1625 433 Defence with guns Defence with guns before about 1600 434 The crusades Places visited by Scots engaged in Crusading activities 435 Military orders in Scotland Temple lands, by county 436 Temple· properties 436 Schools Distribution of Lowland schools before 1633 437 Regional and local Edited by G W S Barrow Innse Gall Innse Gall in the thirteerith century 441 The Lordship of the Isles The Lordship of the Isles: lands from 13th century to 1475 442 Place-dates: the Lords of the Isles, 1336 to 1493 443 The Lordship of the Isles: castles 444 The Lordship of the Isles: dissolution 445 The lords of Galloway The lords of Galloway: demesne lands of the later thirteenth century 446 The lords of Galloway: genealogy 446 xii
medieval-atlas/table-of-contents/xiii Galloway: the Douglas estates Douglas estates in Galloway 1456 447 Orkney and Caithness The expeditions to Orkney and Caithness by the kings of Norway and Scotland 1098 to 1263 448 Reduction of the earldoms of Orkney and Caithness 449 The Borders from the eleventh to the thirteenth centuries The Borders: Cumbria te> 1237 450 The Borders from the thirteenth to the sixteenth centuries The Borders about 1250: western side 451 The Borders about 1250: eastern side 452 The Borders in the sixteenth century 453 Forests Renfrew Forest 454 Gala and Leader Forest: vegetation 455 Gala and Leader Forest: land use and routes 455 Burghs: the development of Edinburgh 1550 to 1650 Development of Edinburgh: number of households 1592, 1635 456 Development of Edinburgh: number of households and businesses 1.635 456 Development of Edinburgh: average rents of households in 1635 457 Development of Edinburgh: relief 457 Settlement in burghs Settlement in Perth: earliest; early twelfth century; mid-twelfth century; late twelfth century; and thirteenth century 458 Settlement in Perth: early fourteenth century; and fifteenth to SIxteenth centuries: 459 Settlement in Glasgow: location map showing drumlins; before 1175; and about 1225 460 Settlement in Glasgow: about 1350; and about 1550 461 Settlement in Dundee: late thirteenth century; late fifteenth century 462 xiii
medieval-atlas/introduction/xiv distribution of Pictish names. On the other hand, Introduction some maps are inventory maps, such as the map This atlas appears under the joint names of the Scottish Medievalists and the Department of Geography of the University of Edinburgh. The atlas replaces an earlier atlas, entitled An Historical Atlas ofScotland c. 400 to c. 1600. It was published in 1975. The present atlas has been about fifteen years in the making. An account of the making of Atlas 1I would amount to a substantial monograph: I propose to limit myself here to indicating what I have attempted to achieve in this atlas. I hope that the final maps have, within the limits of black and white, done justice to the draft maps which the various experts had submitted. The earlier atlas was in two parts: one part contained the texts and the other the maps; and each part had a separate editor. In the present atlas, the texts and maps have been kept together, and, because of their greater bulk, the topics in the atlas have been divided into nine sections, according to subject, with the load being spread between each of the sectional editors, but with an overall general editor who was the liaison between the sectional editors and the cartographer. The first section is an introductory one which, among other things, sets the physical and geographical basis of the maps which follow in the succeeding sections. The next three sections are chronological, covering the period from the beginning to 1707. The remaining five sections deal with important aspects of Scottish history. The classification is not wholly satisfactory and there is an element of cross-reference. The names of the editors appear in the list of over 80 contributors (there were 30 or so contributors in the earlier atlas). As before, the elaboration of the maps is governed by the absence of colour and the need to keep the cost of production down to be within the purse of students. The present atlas has about four or five times more maps than were in the first atlas. Also, the structure of the two atlases is different. The fairly substantial texts of the first atlas together with the linking passages amounted to a short history of Scotland for the period covered by the maps; whereas the present atlas has concentrated on the maps: it was the agreed policy that the associated texts would be briefer and have a different function. The texts are intended to indicate the principle on which the map or diagram is constructed and the lessons which can be drawn from it. As a result, most maps together with their texts make a self-contained unit of one or more pages. Where possible, the atlas attempts to have one map for one idea: this is the case in the distribution maps, such as the map showing the of Lowland schools, where listing of the schools by name is as important as their distribution. I have tried for a degree of consistency in lay-out of each page or fascicle of pages. In most cases I have used the same map of Scotland so as to make it easier to compare like with like; and in most of the maps of Scotland, I have inserted in a light stipple the 800' (about 244 m) contour layer: most items ofmappable interest appear below that height. Throughout, where weights and measures are mentioned, I have shown imperial and metric equivalents. Most of the readers of the atlas will no longer understand the former imperial coinage: accordingly I have made a table of imperial and metrical equivalents. I have standardised the use of different type faces and type sizes to represent different features on the maps: these are shown in the general key. The spelling of British place-names generally follows that shown in the 1 :50,000 ordnance survey maps; and for foreign names, I have followed the spelling in The Times Atlas of the World As general editor, I wish to acknowledge the forbearance of the atlas trustees, the contributors and the sectional editors during the delays which were never anticipated by me -or anyone else. Special mention must be made of the indispensable work of Professor D ER Watt. Professor Watt has been our business manager and convenor of the atlas trustees. As with the first atlas, so with this one, he was the driving force in the planning of the undertaking; he husbanded the resources created by the sales ofthe first atlas and acquired further large resources in cash and in kind from a variety of benefactors; and he has dealt with every aspect of the commercial production of the atlas. As a result, in the words of the preface to the first atlas, he has been able 'to keep the selling price to as low a figure as possible so that virtually no-one who has an interest in Scottish history may be debarred from obtaining a copy'. I also wish to acknowledge the help and assistance which I have received in a variety of ways from Mr Douglas Watt, the staffs of the National Library of Scotland (including the Map Building), Historic Scotland and the Scottish Record Office. Thanks are especially due to the academic and technical staff of the Department ofGeography ofthe University of Edinburgh who undertook the cartographic work, including Mr Ray Harris, Dr David Munro, Dr David A Gray and Anona Lyons. Over the years, there have been different hands involved on the cartographic side; but by far the largest part has been the work of xiv
medieval-atlas/introduction/xv the cartographer, Anona Lyons. Ms Lyons has produced all proof maps and texts which are the basis of the atlas. Individual mention must be made of the great assistance and encouragement which I received from Sheriff D B Smith over a decade and a half: he probably does not realise the value of his help. Although I had been long involved with this atlas as one of its sectional editors, my more general activities in relation to it began in the summer of 1995 when Peter McNeill felt compelled to give up sole responsibility. It must be said immediately that the atlas now presented remains in all essential points the concept described above by Dr McNeill, and that my role has been entirely one of bringing it to fruition, happily with his continuing involvement and support in the work. Without him, there would be no atlas. In the role of carrying the project to completion I was also greatly assisted by Professor Michael Lynch and Geoffrey Stell, who gave freely of advice, time and support at a critical moment when the future of the atlas hung in the balance. Professor Donald Watt continued as a tower of strength throughout, mixing cajolery, encouragement and participation in the task in hand in equal and generous measures. Professor Charles Withers of the Department of Geography at the University of Edinburgh showed extraordinary patience with a troublesome lawyer let loose in his department as well as much good Lastly I would like to dedicate this edition to my wife whose help, support and patience over the years made my 'second job' possible. Shortly after I had drafted this introduction, I decided that, for several reasons, I had to give up editing the atlas. Thereafter, the editorial work has been continued by other hands. Peter G B McNeill will and enthusiasm for the whole atlas project. Much invaluable work of photocopying, posting and liaison was efficiently handled by Nicola Graham and Isabel Reid, and I am also grateful for the facilities afforded me by the Faculty of Law and the Department of Scottish History in the University ofEdinburgh. The sectional editors and individual contributors all showed good grace and efficiency in complying with my importunate and persistent requests, and I apologise for any difficulties which attention to my demands may have caused them. I also express my personal appreciation of the cartographic labours ofAnona Lyons, who responded with patience, determination and good humour to the very heavy demands of a project which turned out to be far bigger and more onerous than any of those involved had ever anticipated or realised. Lastly, I thank my wife Frances, who once again has found herself drawn into the projects of her spouse and has willingly helped with proofs and other essential checking. Hector L MacQueen We both wish to acknowledge here the support ofThe Carnegie Trust for the Universities ofScotland, and of the Russell Trust, without which publication ofthe atlas would not have been possible. PGBM,HLM
medieval-atlas/introduction/xvi Key to initials of contributors Initials MA PA JWMB m GWSB SB DJB JB DHC JSC EC RGC TMC PC mc BEC EPD HD DDi PD DDo RAD JGD AAMD JD AE WKE EE RF EF JDG AGi JMG AGr WSH CH mH LJFK JK JFL ML NATM CAM LJM AIM PGBM HLM GSM MM MHM RM lAM JM RWM Contributor t Marinell Ash Patrick Ashmore J W M Bannerman Ishbel Barnes GWSBarrow Stephen Boardman Alan Borthwick David J Breeze James Brown D H Caldwell t J S Cameron Ewan Campbell RGCant T M Chalmers Peter Corser t IB Cowan BE Crawford E P Dennison Helen Dingwall David Ditchburn Philip Dixon David Dobson RA Dodgshon J G Dunbar AAM Duncan John Durkan Alexis Easson WKEmond Elizabeth Ewan Richard Fawcett Elaine Finnie Ian Fisher J D Galbraith Alexander Gibson John M Gilbert Alexander Grant W S Hanson Caroline Hardie I B Henderson LJ F Keppie James Kirk J F Lydon Michael Lynch N A T Macdougall C A McGladdery L J MacGregor AI Macinnes Peter G B McNeill Alan Macquarrie Hector L MacQueen G S Maxwell Maureen Meikle Marcus H Merriman Rosiland Mitchison lan A Morrison Jean Munro R WMunro
medieval-atlas/introduction/xvii ALM Athol Murray WFHN W F H Nicolaisen Richard Oram TIR tTIRae NHR NH Reid Anna Ritchie NHRo Niall H Robertson MHBS Margaret H B Sanderson WWS WW Scott WDHS W D H Sellar NFS Norman F Shead GGS GGSimpson MAS MASimpson ASm Allan Small DBS David B, Smith RMS RM Spearman Margaret Steele Geoffrey Stell ASt Alexander Stevenson David Stevenson AStr Alastair Strang KJS K J Stringer LMT Lftsbeth M Thorns . Anthony Tuck DJT DJTumer DERW DERWatt B Webster IDW I DWhyte " CWJW CW JWithers AlanYoung t Deceased contributor Editors are shown in bold xvii
medieval-atlas/introduction/xviii Key to lettering Civil divis~OlIlS ENGLAND GALLOWAY DARIEN TAYSIDE SHETLAND Fife E((:clesiastical divisions GLASGOW Glasgow Glasgow Glasgow Glasgow Geographical features North Sea DRUIMALBAN LEITHEN HADRIAN'S WALL Aberdeen Other features CALEDONII CRAWFORD Margaret Erskine BC bc Kingdoms, modem states Provinces Imperial provinces, continents Regions 1975 Islands areas 1975 Lesser provinces, earldoms, counties, sheriffdoms, bailieries of Ayrshire, stewartries of Perthshire, modem districts (1975), economic regions, quarters of burghs Province Diocese, synod, pres,bytery Archdeaconry Cathedral city, abbey Deanery Firths, bays, rivers, islands, seas, lochs, capes, points, glens Mountains Forests Roman walls Towns, castles, forts, camps, parish churches and similar places Tribes Families Persons Before Christ, chronological dating Before Christ, carbon dating xviii
medieval-atlas/introductory/1 Introductory Scotland~ geography in history Location is not a geographical constant: people tend to behave seen it as so. in terms of their subjective perceptions rather then objective The first map shows Scotland's situation on the nortb geography. This atlas runs from before the Roman period up west frontier of the Roman Empire. The second map shows to 1707: viewed either from Rome or from London (in 1707 or Scotland and other places which are within a 600 mile radius of indeed today in terms of the heartland of the European comLondon. munity) Scotland may look "peripheral", but not everyone has -----~ On "the North West Frontier" ... Extent of Roman Empire, early first century Scotland's place in the world: the view from Rome lAM Scotland's JPlllace in the world: the view fmm London 1
medieval-atlas/introductory/2 The location and shape of Scotland Although perceptual mapping is a modem concept, our forebears must have had their own mental image ofScotland. These images will inevitably have differed from ours: not only from period to period, but according to their particular cultural, political and economic affIliations. As we embark as twentieth century people on using an atlas set out in conventional modem cartography, it seems desirable to remind ourselves that we can not afford to disregard the likelihood of differences in outlook embodied in the mental maps by which our predecessors lived. One way of doing this is to consider maps with alternative perspectives. This map offers a view of Scotland in which the North Atlantic islands are envisaged as stepping stones on Viking Seaways. Stepping stones on the Viking seaways lAM
medieval-atlas/introductory/3 The location and shape ofScotland These·maps are designed to remind us that the relative imporperceived in contrasting ways by groups with differing cultural tance ofdifferent regions within Scotland is likely to have been and political affiliations. -r.~...-. , ',",,' Scotlalllld: view from the Celtic West Flnlaggan seat of the Lords of the Isles ,./W" ... ..... '""" Linllthgow I. 1-'\1/V /", /' lAM Scothm.dl: view from the femllaBlislillllg South-east 3
medieval-atlas/introductory/4 Routeways Our motorcar minds tend to condition our perception of Scotregard the region not as " the bottom left hand corner of mainland; but throughout the period covered by this atlas, much of land Scotland", but rather as a peninsula integral to a maritime the country was not an easy land for wheels. Seaways, river province. This is shown in the first map where the view is and loch routes \yere of major significance. This was so not towards the West. only to groups whom we stereotype as seafarers, such as the Equally, the Firth of Forth is perhaps better regarded Vikings or those of the lordship of the Isles. as' a conduit leading to the North Sea and indeed Baltic for the Thus, for example, in interpreting much of the settlemedieval traders of the Fife and Lothian ports, rather than as a ment pattern and history of Galloway, it can be profitable to local barrier within central Scotland. Ganoway nn context \ \ jJ\!O"th ..---- ,.,--Sea .............. \ / /" .... " lAM Firtlln oft' Forth and the North Sea 4
medieval-atlas/introductory/5 Routeways Within the landmass of Scotland itself, the bedrock configuration together with the recency and severity of glaciation are key factors in the landscape patterns within which Scotland's history has been acted out. Because of glacial disruption of drainage, outwith the major Firths of Forth, Clyde and Tay, Scotland has few navigable rivers. The long freshwater and sea-lochs are, however, a positive legacy from glaciation, offering fast routes to boatmen through rugged mountain country, though characteristically in directions controlled by south-west to north-east orientation of the "Caledonian trend" of bedrock structures. This trend, and the way the structures were trenched out by the ice, has certainly influenced the pattern of overland routeways, lending special value in trade and war to valleys breaching the trend. Though the heyday of Scotland's drove roads was largely after the formal limit of this atlas, they offer a good indication of routes feasible in topographic terms throughout history. Those actually favoured in different periods ofcourse reflected human factors ranging from politics and lawlessness to market forces, as much as physiography. Major lochs Drove roads kms o 25 ~,O 75 100 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Routeways: major lochs 3mtd. drove roads 5 lAM
medieval-atlas/introductory/6 Glaciation Although there is truth in the stereotype of a rugged Highland "North" and a more fecund "South", both the rocks and glacial effects show west/east distinctions with important human implications. This is further reinforced by their interactions with climatic patterns, as appears in later maps: in particular, the essentially easterly distribution of Old Red Sandstone, (first map), important from Merse to Orkney for giving friable, welldrained soils, which warm up earlier in the spring than heavy clay tills. .. Old Red Sandstone ~\\ Scotlland: Old Red Sandstone With the weather coming in off the Atlantic in glacial times, as at the present day, the mountains of the west tended to engender the heaviest precipitation, giving severe glacial scouring on that side ofthe country, as shown in the next map. Combined with the intransigence of the metamorphically hardened bedrocks characteristic of the north-west, this has often given landscapes with poor soil cover and very limited agricultural potential. This is illustrated in the last map. Directions of ice movement, creating landscape patterns "=-;lr> with some influence on historic routeways Scotland's latest glaciers, which melted ---.. out around 8000 bc. Note westerly distribution, similar to modern precipitation, (illustrated on maps later in this Section). ScotHaJnld: giaciation lAM
medieval-atlas/introductory/7 Glaciation slf·::· .. ..' ..:. Cut up by glacial troughs and carries [:::":::) Heavy areal scouring ScotHal!lld: g8aciaH scollllring _ Rough pasture • Minimal agricultural value §cotHal!lll!fi: agricultural potel!lltftaH lAM
medieval-atlas/introductory/8 Land-and sea-level changes The last major valley glaciers in Scotland melted around 10,000 bc (by uncalibrated radiocarbon dating). For several millennia, a race ensued. Sea level rose sporadically, as ice masses elsewhere melted. and restored their water to the world's oceans. The earth's crust in Scotland was also rising, but not equally in all places: recovery tended to be greater where the ice loading had caused the most depression. Towards the periphery ofScot land, the overall result tended to be submergence, but every-~ where the sequence was complex and raised beaches are wide-~ spread. Often their sands have improved land use potential, by J) lightening glacial tills (for example, in the Fringe 0' Gowd round 'J the East Neuk of Fife). The carse clays (which are shown in the last map) are another kind of legacy of agricultural importance: rich estuarine muds largely emerging above sea-level from around 4000 bc (radiocarbon dating). For example, the carselands flanking the meanders east of Stirling were highly regarded: "The links 0' Forth are worth an Earldom in the North." This potential was not always realised, however. Thus west of Stirling the deep peat that had colonised the carse surface was not cleared until the eighteenth century and even now Lochar Moss still covers much of the carse by Dumfries. The first map shows the distortion over the last six thousand years or so: this is shown by the uplift contours derived from the main post glacial shore lines. The two remaining maps show the Dumfries area as an example of the extent to which parts of Scotland's coastline have changed during the period of known human occupation. Scotland: uplift cOlllltours Dumfries area CarseClay ~ Before deposit of carse clay After d.eposit of carse clay lAM
medieval-atlas/introductory/9 Land~ and sea=level changes Carse days and other major expanses of post-glacial raised beaches lAM
medieval-atlas/introductory/10 The shaping of settlements Many criteria affecting the configuration of settlements are of course purely cultural and economic (and may indeed even reflect the influence of individuals). In Scotland, however, topographic patteming is also often evident. Sometimes motifs repeat themselves with remarkable· consistency. For example, the geomorphological evolution of the coast line is reflected in Later expansion above fossil cliffline the linear layout of the older parts of the East Neuk burghs. Part of a maritime culture involving both fishing and trading, they are perched just above present sea-level on an ancient wavecut rock platform, constrained from spreading landwards by the fossil C\iffline at their backs. A Erosion of rock platform and cliffline by marine transgressions during the Quaternary Ice Age Raised beach deposits left on platform in postglacial marine regressions, during crustal rebound of land relieved from weight of former ice cover. C Linear settlement along platform on partly eroded raised beaches lAM lEVOhllti.OHll oft'tlhie coastline: East Neuk burghs
medieval-atlas/introductory/11 The shaping ofsettlements Larger settlements too can reflect remarkable consistency in Edinburgh were developed both consist of crag and tail the ways that the potential oftopographic feature." was appraised landfonns, created where the glacial now encountered resistand exploited. Thus, the sites on which medieval Stirling and ant volcanic features. Contours C Crag TTT Tail --. -------.. --... "- C:, -Development of crag and tail formation "" Crag and tail formation: Edinburgh Crag and tail formation: Stirling lAM
medieval-atlas/introductory/12 The siting of settlements As with the shaping of settlements, so too does their siting, of course, reflect very human criteria. What has seemed desirable to different groups has varied with social aims, political and economic circumstances, and technological developments. Patterns of siting have thus certainly tended to change through time. Nevertheless, some themes appear to recur, and two that seem particularly notable in Scotland are subsistence and strife. Scotland's long history ofstrife has been at every level, from local lawlessness through regional factional ism to major invasions. Crannog lake dwellings were one extreme but remarkably persistent response to this, featuring in Scotland's loch- ConjectUlran ll"econstmctiolll of p!ll"eini.stodc Cll"aHlIIIlOg C::::::::::::dJ 10km Threave ~~~. ~ Orchardton Gap ...:\~ ~ "~ f' . strewn landscape from prehistory through to the seventeenth century. Not all were refuges; some were bases for aggression. Their detailed siting often exhibits a compromise between security from natural and human hazards, and convenient access to subsistence. The same seems true of the placing of many of Scotland's tower houses. The tower houses of the more ambitious magnates also suggest sites chosen to combine local tactical advantages with a wider view of strategic potential for regional control. An example of this is the stronghold of the Black Douglases at Threave. This commands a nodal point of route ways, from the security of an island in the River Dee. COll1jectu.lIll"aB ll"econstmctioll. of medieval cll"mmog 1I'Ihureave Castle: strategic locatiolll Timeave Castle: tacticallocaHoHll OHll islet 011. the River IDee lAM
medieval-atlas/introductory/13 The sitilng ofsettlements Similar factors also seem involved in the siting of major centres of power, evolving to dominate routes in strategic nodal zones, but, within these, seeking sites offering local security. Stirling on its crag and tail is one example of this. Perched on its strongpoint at the head of tidal navigation, Stirling had access to the North Sea, but also controlled internal routes. Until the major peat clearance in the late eighteenth century the importance of its siting as a strategic bridgepoint at the head of the Forth estuary was enhanced by the difficulty of crossing the deep bog which had overlain the carse clay to the west since perhistoric times. In pre-industrial Scotland, most people were in need of fairly direct access to the basic components of subsistence: reliable water supply; food from land or sea or both; fuel, often peat. This pattern is still apparent in areas not subjected to later industrialisation and urbanisation. For example, in parts of the Northern and Western Isles, continuity ofViking steading names right through to present day crofts illustrates the persistence of these basic criteria in siting, for at least a millennium. StJidJing: strategi.c POSJiti.Olfl Inshore & Offshore Fishing lPllnysncaB features, naillld[ use and settlements lAM
medieval-atlas/introductory/14 Through much ofthe period covered by this atlas, when so many of the people got their subsistence immediately from the land, the population of Scotland has been of the order of only onetenth of that of mainland Britain .. Many factors are of course involved. However, this is in such striking contrast to the more closely comparable surface areas that it nevertheless highlights the limited land use potential characteristic of much of Scotland. This is not merely a matter of the legacies of bedrock geology and glacial processes, though these are cardinal in pro- Relief _ 250-450, about 800-1500ft c=J Below 250m, about 800ft ducing the basic pattern with its west to east as well as south to north components. Altitude is another major element, with its implications for temperature and precipitation. However, considerable areas of "harsh" lands lie not only at the level ofthe Grampian tops, but right down at sea level in the west. The phenomenon of "oceanicity" has affected Scotland's climate in ways important, throughout history, to those seeking to make their living from the land. lAM §cotiallll(ll: relief Jl41
medieval-atlas/introductory/15 Subsistence potential ofthe land ~Bestland ITIIJJ Medium land ~Harshland lAM' Scotland: land quality 15
medieval-atlas/introductory/16 Climatic processes With the predominant westerly winds bringing weather in off the Atlantic, the effect of the ocean on Scotland's climate is a profound but paradoxical one. Thus, despite a latitude reaching that of Greenland; warmth from the waters of the North Atlantic Drift keeps winters relatively mild. Yet in summer the heat-sink effect of the deep ocean holds down growing season temperatures, making crop ripening more marginal than in countries with more continental regimes, though these tend to have much more severe winters. Thus even southern Finland is better for ripening crops than much of Scotland. Also within Scotland, cereals ripen to much higher altitudes in the east, which is not only farther from the Atlantic heat-sink, but in the rainshadow of the mountains, with clearer skies. The shallow North Sea downwind is of much less climatic significance. Sandier soils in the east also dry out faster Greenland and warm up quicker in the spring. The flatter "oceanic" annual temperature curve in the west seriously reduces the amount of heat (measured in "accumulated day degrees") available above the threshold temperature needed for crops to grow. Thus, in contrast to the highpeaked curves of continental inlands, even a small change in conditions can be critical -whether due to climatic variations through time, or to altitude locally. Thus, vertical distances in, say, the Alps are of much less practical importance than in Scotland, and in particular, in Atlantic Scotland. There, even a small vertical change can severely constrain agriculture, while to ascend Ben Nevis from the relatively bland lowland at Fort William is to approach the climate of Greenland.
medieval-atlas/introductory/17 Climatic processes JFMAMJJASON rDr r T T r r T T T T T ", NEVIS Accumulated day degrees Annual temperature curves p.vf., /JJ Accumulated temperatures in day degrees Celsius • Warm (>1375) [J Fairly Warm (1100-1375) • Cool (825-1100) ea Cold (275-825) Accumulated temperatures in day degrees Celsius lAM
medieval-atlas/introductory/18 Regional climates As Scottish farmers are well aware, climate can vary signifiless, the general length of the growing season is one indicator cantly on a very local scale, with difference of exposure to wind which offers a broad overview of regional differences in the and rain, and the aspect of slopes to the sun's rays. Neverthe-potential of Scotland for agriculture. Id \J {cl ~~~ ~r~ f 1 ~ .. tJ June ~July ... August 1--I September Start of the barley harvest, by month Start of the haymaking, by month Months with mean temperature above 6° D.,'., 7-8 ITIlllS-6 .4orless Length of growing season lAM
medieval-atlas/introductory/19 Regional climates To complement this, of more use than the basic rainfall map is that we should keep in mind that climate conspires with soil an index which takes account of both warmth and precipitation geology and topography to favour the east for agriculture, to to bring out where the moisture balance is most and least faconsiderably higher altitudes than in the oceanic west, and as vourable for agriculture. Again, this calculation emphasises far north as Domoch and indeed Orkney. ~f~ Rainfall _ More than 1S00mm (60") Less than 7S0mm (30") Annual potential water deficit Dry Driest ~SOmm q.7smm+ • < 12.Smm: Wettest Atlantic North Sea lAM
medieval-atlas/introductory/20 Climatic changes Much of the infonnation presented in the rest of the atlas comprises data derived from archive sources unlikely to be changed in radical ways by future finds of fresh material. In contrast, since historical documentary evidence for climate change tends to be indirect and problematic, palaeoclimatologists actively pursue new data, from a whole range of laboratory and field sciences. Because ofconcern over global warming, governments are now financing extensive research into fonner climatic changes, in the hope that the past may cast its shadow into the future. Our picture of climatic change is thus under constant reassessment, so no definitive model can be offered here. Nonetheless, as historians we would be injudicious to neglect the basic fact that the physical environment which was the context for the activities of our forebears was characterised by almost constant change. The aim of what follows is therefore to give a general indication of the nature of the variations involved, with the proviso that revisions may certainly be expected. Before exploring the sequences of change, it is important to emphasise that the interaction between Scotland's global . position and physiography produces a basic climate, with characteristic regional subdivisions, and that the patterns illustrated in the previous pages have been largely characteristic of Scotland during the whole period covered by the atlas. These patterns have been modified but never obliterated by the postglacial climatic variations. Thus, while the margins between zones have been shifting almost continuously, the major positive and nega ',· . . . Cold polar air D. . . tive core areas of high and low "climatic productivity potential" have remained dominant features of our Scottish landscapes, throughout medieval and recent times. A basic fact of life in Scotland of which we must not lose sight is that a large portion of the country has always remained a harsh environment for subsistence agriculturalists. Nevertheless, what people actually choose to do is by no means necessarily·synonymous with what is theoretically possible in tenns of their physical environment. For example, people may farm farther up the hill even in climatically adverse periods because they rate the risks of using more marginal land as being less dangerous than the hazard of living down in the lowlands in time of strife. Alternatively, people may descend from the hills even in times of better climate if more land becomes available below, because of forest or peat clearance, say. Furthennore, pressure on land resources may change through demographic trends much less dramatic than, say, the Black Death. Changes in spatial patterns may also arise from alterations in the balance between subsistence agriculture and more commercially oriented types of land use. These in turn may reflect either relatively local economic changes, or large scale changes of the pattern of international markets, and of political access to them. In considering relationships between people and their environments, it seems that we must keep in mind changes in climates of opinion as much as changes in meteorological ones. Northern hemisphere circulation pattern -1- /' ----I --
medieval-atlas/introductory/21 Climatic changes Prelude The era in which we live seems to be merely one of the many interglacials which have temporarily intervened in the Quaternary Ice Age which has occupied most of the last 2.6 million years. Indeed, the ten thousand years of the present 'post-glacial' period probably passed its best over five thousand years ago, in its climatic optimum. Scotland came close to the reestablishment of glaciers during much of the medieval and postmedieval period. In many parts ofthe world, glaciers did in fact reassert themselves and this has become known as "the Little Ice Age". Early medieval warm phase The last really warm phase before the onset of the Little Ice Age ran from about AD 970 towards 1200, with much of the world perhaps at times approaching the warmth of the Climatic Optimum of approximately 5000 to 3000 BC. This amelioration would certainly have affected Scotland, since in Norway corn was grown to almost 70° north from AD 880 until the eleventh century. There were vineyards in England, and in many parts of Britain tillage was extended uphill to greater heights than for some time previously or since: Kelso Abbey for example had a grange at 300 metres (about 1000 feet), with over 100 hectares of tillage. Complex end of the warm phase The way that the warm phase ended demonstrates that it is an oversimplification to expect changes to involve mere north-south shifts in temperature zones. Thus, though the warm phase passed its peak: in Greenland in the twelfth century, it probably persisted in Europe until 1300 or 1310, though with an increase in severe storms affecting the North Sea, with sea-storm flooding on the low-lying coasts. The warmth may even have reached its maximum at this late stormy stage, for there is some evidence that in the 1280s tillage reached notably high levels. This would be meteorologically consistent, suggesting a strong outward thrust of the Arctic regimes in the longitudes of Greenland and Iceland, distorting the pattern of the circumpolar vortex with a sharp salient there being balanced by a recurrent warm sector over western Europe. This type of change is illustrated N.B. The Little Ice Age begins Soon after 1300 the cooling trend abruptly began to affect Europe. In Scotland the growing season was shortened, perhaps typically by three weeks or more; the accumulated warmth for growing and ripening crops decreased; and the frequency of harvest failures increased. The Little Ice Age was underway worldwide, and, though there were' some significant intermissions, it can be said to have continued right up to Victorian times. The greater part of the fifteenth century was a time of frequent cold winters and wretched summers. Within the last thousand years, only the 1690s seem to have produced so many severe winter spells within the span of one decade as the 1430s. An early sixteenth century intermission Evidence widespread round the world suggests some amelioration at the beginning ofthe sixteenth century. Scotland seems to have benefited from the rather frequent anticyclones affecting the latitudes 45° to 50° north, with westerly winds bringing the moderating influence off the waters of the North Atlantic Drift into northern Europe. The effect was warmth approaching that of the post-Little Ice Age phase of the first half of the twentieth century. This ended suddenly. The winter of 1564-6 exceeded in length and harshness any winter since the 1430s. r:"",::""/i''/. / "/ ;;; \ .... 'i\~'-I ....' , ......... / 1..... .... .. / .... 1\ ...... ' -'-',-f t, .... , .... ... ";I'-~''''.... ,/./\1 . /'/'-,'1, \l..,II~~~ -~/ ~ Sea ice ~. Little Ice Age ..., .,.-,., • ,IJ lAM
medieval-atlas/introductory/22 Climatic changes The climax of the Little Ice Age Although there were some variations, overall the next ISO years in all parts of the world saw a substantially colder regime than now, with phases representing the coldest regimes since the last Ice Age ended ten thousand years ago. Broadly, from the 1550s until 1700 the severity in Scotland tended to involve a high frequency of anticyclones centred north of 60° north, the lati tude of Shetland, with winds from the north-east, and south east ones from Europe to the south of that latitude. The northeast winds brought polar, air and in the winter-the south-east ..., ones entrained air from the rapidly cooling continental interior. r--::;ree':5. +--I \ \ The heat-bank of the North Atlantic Ocean soon be-~! '7/Q~Q' ......... -tgan to cool down. By the 1580s, in several summers navigators "f...... / .lOc:t --r found the seas between Iceland and Greenland impassable be-.... 'I I I cause of sea ice. The Arctic water spread right across the North" ~ctic'C. Atlantic, with several consequences for Scotland's climate in / 'i -l!cl~\_ the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Thus the enhanced 1-_ _ thermal gradient between latitudes 50 and 65 north created cy-ice1a 650 1clonic wind storms which could exceed most of those of the 'Id J I present century, with sandblows transforming landscapes at ...... / Culbin and Udal. This strengthened gradient implicit in the low I ~ sea temperatures, with temperatures depressed significantly far.1t/,'1 '- Q~r ther in parts of Scotland than in central England. (IC -+- OCe rlZ Intermissions Although in general the conditions for agriculturalists from the __ 1550s on through into the eighteenth century were less propi---t --tious than the first half of the sixteenth century, they were not I always of unmitigated harshness. Around 1670 however the c1i-/ mate deteriorated seriously again. The most severe phase of the Little Ice Age 1--SOC)"""" The final decades of the seventeenth century are now widely agreed to have been the harshest phase of the Little Ice Age, for most areas of the world. In Scotland as in many other areas, it was not only winter which became harder. Cool summers caused. -4Sll"- harvest failures, and clusters of these brought disaster to subsistence farmers by forcing them to eat their reserves of seed corn, thus leaving them with nothing to plant for later years. Between 1693 and 1700, the harvests failed in seven years out of eight in many upland areas. Remission / The opening of the eighteenth century, leading up to the Union of the parliaments when coverage of this atlas ends, brought a welcome remission. Soon after 1700 around the world there was a widespread and rapid shift to warmer conditions. Even in this warming period however there were severe winters and poor harvests, and the Age of Improvement was not to prove an easy one for Scottish farmers as the harsh conditions returned in the later part of the eighteenth century. 8000 7000 6000 5000 4000 1000 BC 0 AD 1000 2000 D 1-··00 Climatic Optimum Time scale: the post-glacial period, conventionally of 10,300 years 700 800 900 1000 1100 1200 1300 1400 1500 1600 1700 I.I •! - Warm Phase Lit tie Ice Age Time scale: AD 700 to 1700 lAM
medieval-atlas/introductory/23 Interaction of natural and anthropogenic processes In the habitat offered by Scotland, throughout historic time natural elements have been varying of their own accord, and have also been affected in complex ways, directly and indirectly, by the actions (deliberate and inadvertent) of people and their animals. And although in popular usage the word "environment" has tended to become shorthand for the physical and biological aspects of our planet, as historians we cannot but be conscious that the effective "environment" of any group also embraces their human interactions in peace and war with other cultures beyond their own land. These physical and human interactions often involve complex networks of interlinked paths, with patterns which have continuously changed their configurations through time. Thus, in contemplating the maps which lie ahead in this atlas, we can seldom afford to regard them as individual. entities with a simple message. We need to consider how far each may reflect physical and human patterns both within Scotland and elsewhere in the world -and we need to re!Jlind ourselves both that these patterns were subject to changes within themselves, and also that they could interact in dynamic ways. These ideas have been represented by some authors in a diagrammatic way. One possibility is offered here:- Network diagram to suggest the multi-directional interplay of local and distant factors 'I' Psychological attitude to innovation G Geology: bedrock and surface deposits S Social aspirations and constraints T Terrain: landscape and configuration R Religious outlook C Climate and microciimates E Economic resources and organisation sL SoilM Material culture and technology V Vegetation and crops A Animals: domestic and wild o Other sociocultural units: also changing through time, and involved in interactions with each other as well as with Scotland Drawn from Le Play's Lieu, Travail, Famille and dePLACE ~WORK ~FOLK veloped by Daryll Forde as 'Habitat, Economy, Society', Patrick Geddes's concept ofmulti-way interaction between 'Place, Work, FOLK ~ PLACE ~WORK Folk' remains a simple but useful tool to help us keep in mind the realities of life in Scotland. His son, Arthur Geddes, used WORK ~FOLK ~PLACE the matrix form to emphasise the multidirectional nature of the interplay. lAM
medieval-atlas/introductory/24 Provinces and districts This is an inventory map of some provinces, districts and other arcrown. Another group correspond -to some extent, at least -to the eas which have acquired a degree of unity by reason of history or later counties: one of these is Tweeddale, the later county ofPeebles. geography. Some are islands; others are well defined peninsulas, The area to which a particular name referred could fluctuate greatly such as Ardnamurchan. Some are geographical features such as over the cenl\Iries: thus, Moray in the early period stretched across promontories (like the Mull of Kintyre) or river valleys, like Scotland, but latterly, it was a county of middle size. Elsewhere in Strathnaver. Other areas acquired a degree of cohesion by virtue of the atlas, many of these reappear as lordships, baronies, thanages, ownership or lordship exercised by laymen or clergymen or the regalities, stewartries, sheriffdoms, bishoprics and parishes. ~ ~ $!:J ~p ~~~,y ~\?Northern Isles '\l ~ ;~ ~'I>~ {o$eantJ ,Kerrera o O~c\'>'l SU:'I> Iona~~ V, ~\e~ Balquhidder S 11 .., trathearn Fife \i 1 TrosSachs'--. -~ ~ {§ ~ ~ s ~ 0 -1 ~edale' rran 1>-..0 (">,.. r ETIiUcK' Kyle 'J.. ~FOREST . 0'~1 / 'l": ~4'O~~e "-f:'\'eo;~0'':;;' .., 0 ::> "/~ ..... ~ y '" Wauchopedale ~ Debateable Land kms 50 75 100 0 25, ,, , 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Provinces and districts PGBM
medieval-atlas/introductory/25 Scotland from abroad The map which bears the name "Matthew Paris" belongs to thirin Scotland. Many of the places indicated are consistent with this teenth century England and is in the form of four maps of England being a traveller's map: several religious houses are shown, as are and Scotland. The maps are very limited and only record 36 places crossing places such as Queensferry, Earlsferry and a bridge at Stir ling. kms 0 25, 5p 75 100 I i i i i 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles PGBM Scotland acQothe Matthew Paris map
medieval-atlas/introductory/26 Scotland from abroad The Gough map is named after Richard Gough who, in the eight eenth century, published an account of this mid-fourteenth century manuscript map of Britain which had, no doubt, been produced by or at least for the English authorities. The detail of the map is far greater in t/le section covering England south of Hadrians Wall: for example, distances between places are shown. Over Scotland, less material is recorded; but the map contains about ISO places, most of which are named. Sutherland 'Sutherland' >-..Q.;~ Q.;''CS C> R 0 S S § M 0 r a y c,,,"r[jj' °Colgart' p UJ
medieval-atlas/introductory/27 Administrative regions In the course of the Middle Ages, the unity of the sheriffdoms had been breached by the appearance of enclaves of part of one sheriffdom within another. Similar disjunctions were common in baronial, burghal and ecclesiastical lands and jurisdictions. The sheriffdoms came to be referred to as shires, then as counties. There had been earlier attempts to rationalise county boundaries, but until ~ County boundaries which were unchanged after 1890 ________ County boundaries which were changed to some extent after 1890 1748 apart for the arrangements made for Cromarty and Kinross these had had little effect. In 1748, with respect to jurisdiction only, lands which were disunited from a shire were to be restored or annexed to the shire or shires respectively within which the lands locally lay; and where the lands lay between two shires, they were annexed to the shire of the head burgh of which they were nearest adjacent. .4f)~ (Lordship ofShettfd) Counties before 1890 o I o 2,5 i 10 20 kms 5p, 30 miles 7;; , 50 100 60 PGBM
medieval-atlas/introductory/28 Administrative regions Under the Local Government (Scotland) Act 1889 and associated subordinate legislation there came a radical rationalisation which is shown in the two maps which show the position before and after 1890. Briefly, the effect of the legislation and the orders made under it, was that there was no change in the cases of Caithness, Sutherland, Bute, Wigtown, Kirkcudbright and Dumfries; the "county of Orkney and the lordship of Shetland"were made into two separate counties; but Ross and the greatly fragmented county of Cromarty were made into one single county. Apart from Dumbarton which was left with a detached portion, all the enclaves were absorbed i!lto the surrounding county. Most of the boundaries in the mountainous areas were at the watershed. An example of the effect of the changes at a local level can be seen in the case of Coupar Angus: before 1890 the parish and burgh had been partly in Perth shire and partly in Angus; thereafter they were wholly in Perthshire. Counties after 1890 0 I 0 2.5 10 20 kms 50 ,, 30 miles 75, , 50 100 60 PGBM
medieval-atlas/introductory/29 Administrative regions In 1975 the former local government units -chiefly the counties of Ayr was divided into the districts of Kyle and Carrick, Cumnock and the burghs -which had been modified considerably in the nineand Doon Valley, Kilmarnock and Loudon and Cunninghame (which teenth and twentieth centuries were replaced by a two-tier system also included Arran and the Cumbraes). The system of 1975 was of local government consisting of nine regions and three island aritself replaced in April 1996 with a system of 32 single tier districts. eas at the top and 53 districts under them. The largest region -StrathUntil the nineteenth century there had been one sheriffclyde -stretched from Skye to Carrick and had a population of about dom for each county. Finally they were organized in nine groups of 2"2 million; whereas Orkney had only about 20,000. counties with one sheriff principal each -except Lanark, which was The districts in many cases -for example, West Lothian -a single county sheriffdom. After 1975 there were five sheriffdoms corresponded in area to the former counties; but the larger and more based on the regions and the sheriffdom of Glasgow and Strathkelvin. populous counties were divided into several districts: thus, the county ~ ~ f;:j ~{& ORKNEY r-;;c!/6;1 ISLANDSAREA~ ~Orkney , lJ .... _-- SHETLAND ISLANDS AREA WESTERN ISLES ISLANDS AREA 1 Clydebank 2 Bearsden and Milngavie 3 Strathkelvin 4 Cumbernauld and Kilsy1h 5 Monklands 6 City of Glasgow 7 Eastwood 8 Hamilton 9 Kilmarnock and Loudoun 10 East Kilbride kms FIFE REGION Region or Island Area 0 25, 50,, 75, , 100 Sutherland District 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Regions, island areas and districts PGBM
medieval-atlas/introductory/30 Territorial extent of Scotland By 1098 the territorial extent of Scotland was limited to the mainland: the Western Isles and the Northern Isles had become part of the Scandinavian dominions; but the earldom of Caithness came under the Scottish crown. The attempts of the Scottish crown to extend their dominion over northern England did not endure -especially after the accession of the energetic Henry IT. In 1237 the Scottish claims to the northern English counties were abandoned. The Scottish kings did retain lands and honours in England. By about 1250 or even earlier Arran and Bute had come under the control of the king of Scots. In 1266, after the battle of Largs (1263), the king of Norway ceded the Western Isles -including Man -to Scotland. Man was retained by Scotland between 1266 and about 1290, restored to Scotland in 1293 until 1296, and between 1315 and 1333; therafter it remained in English hands. Berwick was taken and sacked by Edward rin 1296; it was held by Scotland intermittently until 1482 and was thereafter lost to Scotland; but in 1551, it was made independent of both England and Scotland. For a few years (1315-1318), the Scots under Edward Bruce campaigned in Ireland, but no permanent conquest was achieved. In 1468-69 the rights of the king of Norway in Orkney and Shetland were given to the Scottish crown as a pledge for the unpaid dowry of the wife oflames Ill; and i 1472, the earldo of Orkney and the lordship of She IRELAND Scottish lands in 1098 \ land were annexed to the Scottish crown. The borders contained areas which had been disputed between Scotland and England. In the south-west, there was an area, probably between the river Sark and river Esk, which came to be referred to as the "debateable land". The dispute was resolved in 1551 by assigning the parish ofCanonbie to Scotland and the parish of Kirkandrews to England. Other lesser areas of dispute on the Borders' -from the river Tweed at Redden Bum, at Garnel's Path Walls and near Liddesdale -persisted but they became of little significance after the Union of the Crowns in 1603. The changes in sovereignty resulted in changes in ecclesiastical organisation. Overseas, the Scots began a plantation of Nova Scotia. The lordship of Canada was not followed up by occupation; and the settlement at Darien did not last long. After 1707, imperial expansion took place ~ (j under the Union flag. ""D pt ::PJ~~ Orkney Isles :::' cl . : .. , . , to Scotland ~. 1468-1469 '. . )]': Berwick upon Tweed to England 1296, to Scotland 1318-33, 1355-56,1461-82, thereafter to England "'--~ ENGLAND Acquisitions 1266 \ Acquisitions 1468-69 kms Man I 0 25 5,0 75 100 Lands lost (viz, ManBerwick, parish of I i i i to Scotland , Kirkandrews (in Eng and). 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 \ 1266-c1296, 1315-1333 milesC Canonbie '" _ -" to England 1333 K Kirkandrews POBM Territorial extent of Scotland from 1098 30
medieval-atlas/introductory/31 Appendix: coinage The present metric system of money, consisting of a pound of one hundred pence, was introduced into the United Kingdom on 15 February 1971: it replaced the former system which was partially duodecimal. The unit -the pound -was retained in the new system, but the other units -the shilling of which there were twenty to the pound, and the penny of which there were 12 to the shilling (or 240 to the pound) -were superseded. In Scotland and in England the pound had been units of account and actual denominations. In addition, in both countries there were units of account which had never been coins or had long since ceased to be coins: respective examples of these are the mark which was 2/3 ofa pound (that is 13 shillings and fourpence) and the Decimal ImQerial coinage comage £ £ s d Name 21 guinea 1 =100 20 =240 pound (paper note or gold sovreign) 66.66 13/4 =160 merk (=213 of £1) =120 ten shillings 33.3 6/8 =80 half merk (= 1/3 of £1) =60 crown 22.5 2/6 =30 half (a) crown =24 florin, or two shilling piece =12 shilling guinea which became one pound, one shilling, otherwise 21 shillings. The units of the old currency were known by their Latin names, Libra, solidi and denarii which were universally abbreviated, and written thus "iij li. ix s. vj d." or later "£3 9s. 6d"; sometimes sums were witten as 7/4"2d, the stroke representing a long "s" and being 7 shillings and 4 pence ha'penny; and sometimes "d" was dropped, especially if it was a round number of shillings,such as 7/-. Although the denominations were the same in Scotland and England, the value of the Scottish currency had depreciated greatly against that of England. By the time of the union a pound Scots was worth Is. 8d. sterling (ie 20 old pence or 8 new pence). After the union English sterling applied in Scotland as well as in England. Table (Imperial) 4 farthings = 2 half pence = 1 penny 12 pennies = 1 shilling 20 shillings = 1 pound = 240 pence Decimal Imperial Name 5 12 shilling 2.5 6 sixpence 4 groat 3 threepence 1 penny 1/2 halfpenny 1/4 farthing Imperial and decimal coinage PGBM 31
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/33 Events to about 850 Introduction From its initial conceptualising and planning stages this atlas was intended to supersede its predecessor, not simply supplement it. In this section therefore the topics covered extend the content of the previous atlas in terms of both chronology and subject matter, with the inclusion of an extensive Roman contribution and also settlement, burial and artefact distributions at various periods. The integration of maps with texts in this atlas is essential to the explanation and interpretation of much of the content of the section and users are urged to make reference to both. I am indebted to all contributors for their forbearance and generous assistance over what has been the very lengthy period of development and production of the atlas. It is only fair to point out that contributions were first prepared in 1985 and so largely reflect the state of knowledge and understanding of the subjects at that time. With the delivery of proofs during the course of this year (1996) it ha"s been possible to extensively revise the contents of some of the maps and texts where deemed essential due to major changes and developments in the last ten years. There will always be advancement of knowledge in all subjects but perhaps the changes are particularly rapid in the case of archaeological material. Indeed one contributor, Gordon Maxwell, observes that 'in certain areas of archaeological research the recent contributions of aerial survey have been on such a scale that with the existing resource base it has been difficult if not impossible to assimilate the new data. Where it has appeared likely that such enhancement will appreciably alter our understanding of a specific period or category of structures, an attempt has been made to indicate the character and extent of the actual impact.' In other cases however, where the increase in data has not significantly altered the distribution pattern and conclusions to be drawn, then no updating has been undertaken. LMT
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/34 The Roman Empire and Roman Britain The Roman empire, which by the mid-second century AD covered an area of about four million square kilometres (1.5 million square miles), was divided into provinces: the more peaceful were governed by proconsulsappointed by the Roman senate and the less developed provinces, where the bulk of the army had permanent bases, by legates directly responsible to the emperor. Britain was a late addition to this empire. The island was invaded in AD 43 on the orders of the emperor Claudius. Southeastern Britain was quickly conquered, but the new province (named Britannia) was almost lost to Rome in 60-61 during a serious rebellion led by queen Boudica. However, from 71 onwards there was a new impetus under the F1avian emperors to complete the conquest. This was not achieved and the subsequent military operations in Scotland may be seen as series ofepisodes in a search for the best frontier line between that part of the island which was to be Roman and the tribes beyond. Most of the garrison of Roman Britain was deployed in the north and Wales. From the later first century onwards the three legions forming the backbone of the army in Britain lay at Caerleon, Chester and Yark, bases carefully chosen to control all the areas likely to be troublesome. Behind the frontier, towns sprang up, and in the countryside villas were built in the Roman manner. By 200 the province had reached a high level of prosperity, which remained relatively intact throughout the third century. After about 300 the province was increasingly buffeted by external attacks, from the Picts in the north, and raiders from Ireland and northern Germany. In 409 the Roman government formally abandoned Britain. -...../ Approximate boundary of the Roman Empire Approximate boundary of provinces Km' 100 300 500 BRITANNIA Roman Province 1Obmileido 360 AEGYPTUS 190 290 ~oo Roman miles The Roman Empire in the mid-second century DJB, WSH, LJFK, GSM [ff;/ (j) COMMONWEALTH OF INDEPENDENT' STATES Km' 100 300 500 106miJeido 300 '90 2pO qoo Aomanmiles UBYA Modern Europe
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/35 The Roman Empire and Roman Britain eWroxeter WALES London e'-.;"",,~ kms Q" "jO 190 l)iO miles ! 59 10,0 Roman miles p 50 100 , , , , I Roman Britain: first and second centuries DlB,WSH, LJFK, GSM
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/36 Northern Britain according to Ptolemy This version of Ptolemy's Scotland is derived from the coordinates given in Ptolemy's Geography, Book n. Claudius Ptolemaeus, who worked in Alexandria before AD 150, and possibly used data collected by Marinus ofTyre subsequent to Agricola's campaigns in Scotland from about AD 78 to 83. The map provides a picture of north Britain which is instantly recognisable, but which has been turned through a right angle towards the East and which also keeps Scotland below 63° N, beyond which the Greeks believed habitation was impossible. Two classes of information are presented: coastal details, including headlands, river mouths and estuaries; and inland data, comprising pole is (literally, 'cities') and tribal names; the tribes are crudely located relative to each other and to the cities within some oftheir territories. 15 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 Boundaries between tribal areas cannot be precisely delineated on Ptolemy's highly distorted map. However, Ptolemy's data, which, from its substantive character must have been derived from reliable maps of Roman military origin, has the prospect to be related directly to the actual map of Scotland and its later history as well as to the F1avian period that it portrays. Tacitus furnished the only account of the campaigns of Agricola in Scotland; however, from this record we have some difficulty in interpreting either the actual year or the operating zone of each campaign. Explicit archaeological evidence is still lacking to allow us to clarify this situation as well as to identify reliably many of Ptolemy's cities in Scotland. 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 r---,----,---,----,---,----,----,----,---,,---,----,---,----,---,----,---,----,---,----,64 Ocean us Hyperboreus Aebudae I I $laiUS Ins 4-1---1-'_°-=-+ LONGITUDE (degrees) Ocean us Duecaledonius ~ , I "I~I ~;~cadeslnsulae (i) Q Dumna0~9 ~I !." c~!~cetil·lnsr-=T',---+---1-0 Q) ::::> Volas Sinus I- I Nabarus FI ...J BRIGANTES Tribes Trimontium Places Orcades Insulae Physical features Northern Britain according to Ptolemy AStr 36
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/37 Roman Scotland in the first century (Flavian period) The following eight maps indicate the present state of knowledge about both temporary and permanent military sites during the three periods of Roman conquest and occupation of Scotland -Aavian, Antonine and Severan. On each map. the picture is almost certainly incomplete, for new discoveries continue to be made as a result of aerial reconnaissance. A description of the conquest of Scotland is given by Tacitus in his account ofthe govemorshipofhis father-in-law lulius Agricola (77-83). By 79 AgricoJa had reached the Tay and in the same season he built fons in the area overrun. Consolidation continued in 80. when he placed aseries ofganisons across the Forth-Clyde isthmus. In lhe following year he operated in western Scotland. In 82 and 83 he campaigned in Caledonia. defeating the northern lribes at Mons Graupius. He retired to Rome the following winter and no account survives of the subsequent gradual withdrawal to the Tyne-~ Bumfield routes in ScotJand from the south: they may indicate the progress of the two portions of the Agricolan army. The much larger camps of Dunning and Abernethy. each about 45 hectares ( 110 acres) may represent the amalgamation of those forces. A series of five c8.{TlpS of similar size to the north have also been claimed as Agricolan, although previously accepted as Severan. Together with the larger site at Logie Durno (58 hectares, 144 acres), these may represent the bivouacs ofAgricola's anny as it advanced towards Mons Graupius. In general, the marching camps indicate the lines of penetration followed by Roman annies and the extensive area over which they eam igned. r . Auchinhove _ MUlryfJ ld Solway line, which appears to have been completed by about 105. Major difficulties lie in relating Tacitus's narrative to the archaeological evidence and in dating the process of abandonment. Roman temporary camps are notoriously difficult to date. but it is reasonably certain that those with gates guarded by devices using claviculae (curving extensions of ditch and rampan) belong to .J F1avian times. Clavicular gates of the Stracathro type are found in camps varying in size from 1.5 to 24.5 hectares (3.7 to 60 acres) in area and though obviously serving different purposes (for example, marching and labour) probably belong to the same series of campaigns. Other camps may be assigned to this period because of their proportions -Flavian sites tend to be square on plan -or because of their observed relationship to structures of known date. Several examples of about 18 hectares (44 acres) in size follow the main lnchluthill & 11 • ... /\ . Glenmall~I & 11 • Logie Dumo Kintore 0jmandykes • A'aed k ~)ayes Stracathro C6~n Inverquharity Dalginross'lr--D . ~~8:/ unmng • Bochastle 0 Ardoch Lochlands 1& 11 •• o Gogar . Woodhead Cadops ~nkhead Kir1
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/38 Roman Scotland in the first century (Flavian period) Certain broad slr.uegic patterns are clear: the dislribulion of forts location of forts at the mouths of the glens along the south-eastern along lines ofcommunication in the Lowlands: the use offort lets and fringe of the Highlands. The concentration of siles in south-eastern smaller forts to make best use of the available manpower: the Penhshire may imply different phases of occupation. ~cardean Cargill Fendoch~' Bertha Dalginro~Slrageath • Kaims Castle Bochastle ~ .~Ardoch Menteith • -...: Glenbank -v-Doune~ • Drumquha~e "" " Camelon...........:: o • 0 Mumrills Castlecary [IJ Legionary Fortress • Fort o Fort, probable 0 I , , Roman miles 50, • Fortlet o Fortlet, probable ---Road o I 25, kms 50.. 75 , i 100 •••. --Road, probable course o Permanent forts, late first century 30 miles 40 50 60 D18, WSH, UFK, GSM
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/39 Roman Scotland in the first century (Flavian period) All these sites have afforded evidence oflwostruclural phases in the after aboUl AD 90. Comparison with previous map gives some late first century. or provided anefaclual evidence of occupat ion indication of the process of Roman withdrawal from Scotland. Chesterhofm • o • Carvoran Nether Denton • Fort Ro:nan mi~es , o Fort, probable kms • Fort1et o 25 50 75 100 c' , , ,' o Fortlet, probable o 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles __ Road Permanent forts of two phases, late first century D18, WSH, UFK, GSM ____ . Road, probable course
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/40 Roman Scotland in the mid-second century (Antonine period) There are fewer examples of Roman temporary camps that can be these are situated beside a Roman road, the longer side has been confidently dated to the mid second century. Indeed the sites with the aligned parallel with the road. Two very loosely grouped classes of best credentials are the relatively small works thought to have held marching camps have thus been tentatively identified· one averagthe legionary workforce engaged in building the Anlonine Wall (not ing 20 hectares in area, the other only 10 hectares; all are to be found marked on the map). in southern Scolland, apparently indicating passage by battle groups Among the larger sites. those which are of tertiate plan (ie one or two legions strong through the major river valleys. Recent whose long sides are half as big again as their short). are more likely excavaLion has suggested that some rU'Sl-century camps may have than no( to be ofsecond cenlUry or later date; in several cases where been re·used in the Antonine period . /1• . Inveresk Pathhead Carsta~rs Mains Casttecraig Cleghom~ ?L ne I & 11 • Blalnslte Bankhead y ~ ~~~_ ~ ~. • StBoswells .\ ../MIIISldewood\c .. Uttle Clyde I / U:'O~.':~oor ·1....1 /~: • .Torwood • Glenlochar "'-___~'-~/ 0 50 I I I Roman miles kms • Camps 0 25 50 75 100 , , , I •, 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Temporary camps, mid-second century DJB,WSH,UFK,GSM
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/41 Roman Scotland in the mid-second century (Antonine period) The disposition of fons in Lowland Scotland is. in general. similar particularly in the south-west. suggesting not only the best use of to that of the late first century, but there is a greater use of fanlets. available manpower but a concern for more localized control. • Fort • o Fort, probable Fortle! Fortlet, probable J"\..I'l..I Roman wall ---Road -----Road, probable course o ! o Permanent forts, mid-second century Ao~nmj~es 25, 20 kms 50 le 30 miles 75 100 , , 40 50 60 DJB,WS H,UFK,GSM
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/42 Roman Scotland in the mid-second century (Antonine period) All these sites have afforded evidence oftwo structural phases within a reduction in the overaJl garrison and particularly in the tight control the Antonine period. Comparison with the previous map indicates of the south·west Lowlands. Fort 5,0 • 0 i Fort, probable Aoman mites • Fortlet kms 0 25 50 75 100 , 00 ---Roman roads , i J""1.J"\...rL. Roman Wall 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Roman roads conjectural D18, WSH, UFK, GSM Permanent forts of two phases, mid-second century 42
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/43 Roman Scotland in the late second to fourth centuries Between 208 and 211 the Emperor Seplimius Severus and his son are concentrated in the east. with one unexplained oUllier in Dum Caracallaconducted two campaigns in Scotland against theCaledofriesshire. nians and the Maealae. The cOnlemporary hislOrian Cassius Dio Excavation has demonstrated that the 55 hectare camp al records that Severus nearly reached the end of the island. After his Ardoch is later than the 25 hectare camp. Thus it is suggested mal father's death al York in February 2 11 Caracalla gave up the Roman me series of25 hectare camps dates to the first campaign and the 55 conqueslS, abandoning fons. hectare series to the second. For these campaigns it is argued three great series of During the campaigns a depot seems to have been estabmarching camps were constructed. c. 65 hectares (160 acres). 55 lished al Cramond on me Forth. while a legionary base was conhectares ( 140 acres). 25 hectares (62 acres) in area respectively, structed at Carpow on me Tay. Both appear 10 have been abandoned which indicate the line of march followed by Severan annies. They shortly after 211. ;7. Ka~hocko Oathlaw ~arcus '" O KlnoeU so.a, ardean ~Q
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/44 Roman Scotland in the late second to fourth centuries After the abandonment of the Antonine Wall, its outposts and most about the same time there may have been a presence near Cappuck. of its hinterland forts. a number of bases continued to be maintained The remaining four fons north of Hadrian's Wall survived into the north ofHadrian's Wall. Birrens. Newstead and presumably Cappuck early fourth century. Until lIle 'barbarian conspiracy' of 367. the seem tQ have been abandoned in the 1 80s. Newstead was possibly Romans maintained a network of scouts beyond Hadrian's Wall. but rt:.o()Ccupied briefly in some fann during the Severan campaigns; and the locations of their bases are nOI known. ) .' ) \ ( ) • Fort o Fort, probable kms o 25 50 75 100 .J""l..I"l..I"l Hadrian's Wall , , i " o 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Permanent forts, later second to fourth centuries DJB,WSH,UFK,GSM
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/45 Roman manufactured goods are found not only on and near Roman military installations in Scotland but on settlement sites of the contemporary native population, not merely within the boundaries of empire, but also well beyond its frontiers. This material includes coins, samian ware (imported from southern and central France), amphorae (from Spain), and jewellery in silver, bronze or gold. Other goods in wood, leather and perishable materials, as well, perhaps, as foodstuffs, can also be assumed. It may have arrived in the hands ofthe nati ve population in a variety ofways: barter, trade, diplomatic gifts, loot from abandoned Roman sites, or locally recruited Roman soldiers returning home. Much of it is of high quality -an indication, perhaps, of the owner's status in native society. The artefacts range in date from the first to the fourth centuries: evidently Roman material was still reaching native sites in Scotland long after Roman forces had abandoned their forts there. ~ ~ ~rf!P ~~. ~f? o o Roman finds Ro~an rr:iles o I o kms 25, 5,0, 10 20 30 miles 75.. 40 50 100 60 lRomallll fnmlls from native sites from fnrst to fOllutiln cellllt1lJlries DJB, CH, WSH, UFK, GSM
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/46 Roman frontiers The hall to the expansion of the Roman empire in the first century led to the development of frontier controls. The first map reveals the limitations of our knowledge concerning Agricola's troop disposition across the Forth Clyde isthmus. The next 2 maps illustrate the development of Roman frontiers in this north-western province orlhe empire over a period of 60 years. The nonnal spacing of forts within the military zone might be about a day's march (fourteen or so miles), The role of the units in these forts was to control and protecllhe new provincials. The first step towards the development of a frontier was the addition of intermediate siles along the outer strand of the network. reducing the spacing to about seven miles, to which was added an extra element -the timber watchtower -to increase the army's control of movement acro)')' the frontier. Under Hadrian a new feature appeared, the linear barner 10 funher hinder low intensilY lhreats, ie Hadrian's Wall: it was, however. nol unlil later in his reign tha! major military forces were deployed along the barrier itself, operating in most instances from forts placed astride the Wall and in the event of attack combining 10 form a mobile field army. The design of Ihe Antonine Wall reveal), a closer integra!ion between the army units and the Wall. Forts were placed on the Wall from the beginning but during building operations their number in creased from an original six to at least 17 resulting in a closer spacing between forts than on any other Roman frontier. Fin"o!Fort" Mumrills o Cadcler -MoIIIOS 0 5 I I Roman miles km, 0 5 I '? ~ I I 0 5 o Fort (possible) miles• Small fort Roman frontiers, Forth-Clyde Isthmus: Agricola's troop dispositions D18, WSH, LJFK, GSM Huntingtower . Moss Side . Witch Knowe orny HIli Parkneuk Ardunie Ki hill Gask House Railh Roundlaw Muir 0 'Fauld esterton Kaims Castle Shielhill N. Shielhill S. Greenloaning Glenban • Fort • Fortlet • Tower • Doune Peel . Roman miles o , 2 ? t knI' 2 :3 o 2 miles Roman frontiers: Gask Ridge sites D18, WSH, LJFK, GSM 46
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/47 Roman frontiers ·-..~~~ns BewcaSl1e --'" Hadrian's Wall • ___ Forts Roman roads Roman roads, Y q f km' 'I 1 probable course o miles 5 '-----' Roman frontiers, Hadrian's Wall Roman miles OJ8. WSH. UFK. GSM ! I o I Roman miles • Fort o Fort(possible) Roman frontiers, the Antonine Wall • Fortlet OJ8, WSH, UFK, GSM Roman frontiers location map OJ8, WSH. UFK. GSM 47
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/48 Pictish and earlier archaeological sites Aerial survey has intensified the conarast between Iron Age patterns north and south of the Forth. and it has clarified the situation in Fife and Tayside. In the past decade the unenclosed villages of round timber houses that are typical of ruml settlement in E. Scotland from the siluh century BC 10 the Roman period have been identilied in great numbers. appearing from the ai r as clusters of circular or annular cropmark.ings: a handful of excavnlions has revealed that these distinctive traces are formed by a characteristic ring-shaped or lunale hollow. 6-15m (20-50 feet) across lhe interior of the house. Ring-ditch houses are also found in appreciable numbers in Grampian and Highland Regions. where they appear 10 foml a natural extension of a distribution pallem whose northern limits arc not yet known, but whose southern limit coincides wilh that of square-barrow cemeteries (which arc shown in a later map). Of even greater interest. perhaps, has been the discovery that unenclosed seulements of the later Iron Age in those parts were frequently associated with souterntins and that these could also be identified from the ai r. The potential impact of this on Iron Age archaeology may be gauged from a comparison of the tOlal number of souterrains identified in southern Pictland by a century of anl i~ quarian endeavour, (fifty-five). wi th the lOO-odd sites recorded by the aerial surveyor in only the past decade. Even more impressive is the quality of information thus acquired. for it is now possible to see that many settlements incorporate several souterrains. some of them of conloiderable size and structural complexity. AI pre
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/49 Pictish and earlier archaeological sites One of the most exciting and lul"\cys and excavations has revealed cemeteries of low. nat lopped mounds dating bel"'een the third and eleventh centuries AD. Air phOlography has revealed at least thiny cropmark sq uare barrow cemeteries. In many of the cemeteries there are also round barrows. The vast majority lie between the Forth and the N. Esk. but there are a few in Dumfries and Galloway. Aberdeenshire. Moray and Highland. Allhough none of the cemeteries so far discovered is very large. the cropmarks of their ..hallow enclosing ditches are very tenuous. and repeated annual survey occasionally reveal.!> new barrows and new details. The nearest and best structural parallels for most of these cropmark burial monuments are in east Yorkshire. where some cemeteries date to the early Iron Age and others to the Roman period. However. some of the cemeteries in Scotland include square barrows with ditches interrupted at the corners which seem highly comparable to some of the broadly Pictish mounds described below. More enigmatic are the few much larger enclosures with interrupted corners which have been di scovered in recent air photography of eastern Scotland. The broadly Pictish barrow
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/50 Pictish and British place-names Of all linguistic evidence. place-name!> provide Ihe I1l()Sl mappable. Their known locations can be precisely pinpointed through map coordinates. and potential di
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/51 Pictish and British place-names ,if ~f:' '\1\] " • • H :10 f\I 'OD -? .. ":; .. 'oo • Names containing cair • •• .. .!:.. 00 so .. • Names containing pit .,... .:., .. $1) .. Cumbric place-names WFHN Pictish place-names WFHN ~pp \1~J; • H 10 .. ,OO .. !IQ 1$ '00 to "" .:.. .. " . • Overlapping names • Names containing tref .:.. .. Place-names containing tre! WFHN Overlapping place-names WFHN 51
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/52 Pictish territorial divisions The most authentic version ofthe list ofPictish kings begins with the names ofthe seven sons ofCruithne (the Irish for Piel). Three afthe sons appear as names ofdistricts in entries relating to events of the seventh and eighth centuries in contemporary Lrish annals: so it is reasonable to assume that all seven are eponyms referring 10 names of regions in the Pictish part of north Britain. In the manuscript containing the king list. there is also a tract known as D~Situ Albanie _ a collection of topographical surveys of Scotland written in the twelfth ceolUry. One survey refers to the ancient division ofthe land into seven regions by seven brothers. and adds that each region was divided into two parts ruled by a k.ing and a sub-king. Another survey defines the geographical boundaries of the seven regions not all of which are consistent with the pairs of districts attributed to the ancient sevenfold division. The administrative pairs may be reflected in Adomnoin of Iona's description. written about 700. of Columba's contemporary. the Pictish king Bridei as a rf!X who controlled Orkney through a local regulus. AdomnAn had Bridei ruling over a regio or provincia. whereas Bede. writing about 730. has his contemporary. the Pictish king Nechtan. ruling over a nUlio with provincial!. It is uncertain whether this change oftenninology implies a centralisation of power. Bede and late classical writer.. thought ofthe Picts as having once been divided into confederacies on either side of the Mounth. 1be single lineage represented by the king list. and the homogeneity of Pictish sculpture suggest that most of the time from the sixth to the ninth century the Picts enjoyed cultural unity and attempted to maintain political unity. References in AdomnAn's Ufe of Calumba make it clear that by the end ofthe seventh ~
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/53 Pictish monuments The map shows the find spots of boulder stones incised with the unique Pictish symbol designs. 11 will be seen mat symbol stones are found nonh of the Forth-Clyde line in the dislr'icts which Bede. writing in the eighth century, knew 10 be populated by PiclS. Symbol stones are not found in the regions where the SCOIS settled in the early sixth century. The designs for some ofthe animal symbols are related to the designs used for three ofthe Evangelist Symbols in illuminated Gospel Books wrinen in the second half of the seventh century. Whether the Piclish animal symbols come before or after the manuscript crealUres is a manerof controversy: but il can be said with confidence that symbol stones were being put up in the seventh century. 11le meaning of the Piclish symbols and the function oflhe stones is not known. Some of the symbol designs are engraved on silver neck chains and some are incised on (he walls of caves. Recently a number of stones incised with a range ofsymbols have been shown 10 be directly associated with burials. • Single stones kms 0 25 100 • Two or more stones .. 7' 0 10 20 30 40 60 1 .. miles IBH Pictish symbol stones 53
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/54 Pictish monuments The map shows the find Spols of dressed slabs carved in relief bearing on one side a fuil·length decorated cross and on the other Piclish symbols. Animal ornament surrounds the cross. The symbols accompany figurati ve scenes many of which depict hunting on horseback. The best known scene is the unique three-tier battle scene on the back of the cross slab in Abcrlemno churchyard in Angus. Because of technical and decorative connections it is agreed that the Picts leamed to cut and carve stone in relief from Nonhumbrian masons and sculptors some time in the eighth century. Towards the end of the century the Picts were carving ambitious monuments in high relief. The finest of these closely resemble the free-standing crosses of the Iona school of sculptors. and both seL'iofmonumenLS have links with the art ofthe Book of Kells. This phase of Piclish sculpture provides evidence for widespread patronage by Christian Piels and for artistic contacts with Iona, Ireland, and England. north and south of the Humber. The map shows the distribution of some of the sculplUre in north Britain. demonSl!1ning these links. ~
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/55 Pictish monuments Some of this sculpture belongs with mainstream Pictish art, for example, the carved sarcophagus in the Cathedral Museum at St. Andrews, and the massive recumbent grave covers in the Pictish sculpture museum at Meigle, Perthshire. Other sculpture reflects the presence of the Scots of Dalriada in eastern Pictland after the takeover by Kenneth mac Alpin in the mid-ninth century, for example, the freestanding cross at Dupplin. On the other hand a large fragment of a cross-slab recently discovered at Applecross has ornament closely paralleled at St. Vigeans which suggests that sculptors trained in the east were working for patrons in the Dalriadic west. The sculpture without symbols shows late-North • Single monuments • Two or more monuments o Hogbacks and ~ kindred monuments (after lang) umbrian traits such as the spreading of vine-scroll over the crosshead. This hybrid sculpture is less accomplished than the sculpture ofearlier periods, but its value as evidence for strains of influence in the religious life of Scotland in the ninth and tenth centuries is considerable. Two slightly later schools ofsculpture are characterised by a collection of sculpture in the parish church of Govan Strathclyde, and the hogback (and kindred) monuments. ~~; ~~ ~t? o kms o 25, 50 75 100 I i i i o 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles IBH Pictish and Picto-Scottish monuments without symbols
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/56 Pictish monuments Scotland's first Christian stone monuments were probably in the form of boulder stones incised with crosses used to mark graves and sanctified places. Simple monuments of this type are of uncertain date but some of the cross-types can be compared with those found on similar more datable monuments in Ireland and Wales and on this basis the Scottish stones with incised crosses can be treated as a class of potentially early medieval monumental sculpture. The incised, encircled, equal-armed crosses ofeastern Pictland have been directly associated with the encircled chi -rho monograms depicted on monuments associated with the British Ninianic church at Kirkrnadrine and Whithorn. Less controversially, the incised crosses of northern Britain have been interpreted as an index of the beginnings and progress of Christianity brought by the Columban church centre on Iona. In form and technique the incised cross-bearing stones relate to the Pictish symbol stones (in the first of these Pictish maps) but the cross symbol links them to the Pictish cross-slabs (in the second map). The map is based on a preliminary list compiled in 1985 from published sources. It shows, in addition, cross-marked stones recorded by the Royal Commission in the Argyll inventories, and a considerable number ofstones recorded by N M Robertson of Pertb, as a result of field work, mainly in Highland Pertbshire. ~ ~ ~-------. f::J ~{!:P ~~ ~)j o • • Single stone Two or more stones Pictish, and related Dalriadic, cross-marked stones 0 I 25 10 20 kms 50 30 miles 75 100 40 50 60 IBH,NMR
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/57 Imported pottery 400 to 1000 The distribution of E ware vessels shows concentrations at a few undoubtedly early sixth century Mediterranean wares, which are centres of importation, with probable redistribution from these found in the south-west of Britain, are present in Scotland. This centres to surrounding sites. The variety of forms of E ware, and perhaps indicates that importation did not begin until the later sixth of other continental imports (including glassware) found on these century in Scotland. The small amounts of E ware on the major major sites confirms the special status of such sites. It seems likely Pictish sites perhaps reflect political contacts with Dalriada. that these major secular sites controlled the exchange of goods, and that surpluses were available for exchange. None of the • E ware (seventh century, western France) o E ware, rejected or dubious African red slipware (sixth century, Carthage) .... * B ware amphorae (fifth and sixth century, eastern mediterranean) o D type ware (sixth? century, western France) 'Post E' ware (eighth to tenth? century, northern and western France) Unclassified . No of vessels: _20+.10+.5+.
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/58 Gaelic place-names The selective interpretation of maps showing the distribution of Gaelic place-names affords us an -opportunity to discern historical strata within a stratum. Not only do the maps depicting the geographical scatter of names containing Gaelic baile "settlement" and achadh "field" reflect the largest extent to which Gaelic was once spoken in Scotland in the Middle Ages but the maps indicating the distribution of sliabh "hill" and cill "hermit's cell, church" throw light on earlier phases of Gaelic-speaking settlement before Gaelic had become the language of most of Scotland, with the notable exception of the Northern Isles, the northeastern half of Caithness and the Scottish south-east. It is worth remembering, though, that not every name represented within the boundaries ofa certain distribution pattern was necessarily given before the settlement behind that pattern reached its fullest expansion the opposite is probably true in all cases, i.e. the element in question remained productive well after the limits of its distribution had been established. This is particularly applicable to the interpretation of the location of names containing early elements like sliabh, and it would therefore be misleading to expect all sliabh names (Slewdonan, Slewfad, Slewcaim, Slogarie [Galloway], Sliabh Mor, na Moine, Fada, Meadhonach, Gaoil, nan Dearc, a'Chuir [Highlands and Islands] to have been coined before, let us say, the seventh century. Their limited extent of toponymic productivity nevertheless points to them as being closely associated with the known area of the original Dalriadic settlement of Gaelicspeaking "Scots" from Ireland in the fifth and sixth centuries AD and an equally early "Scots" colony in Galloway, especially in the Rinns.. The distribution of place-names containing cill (Kilbride, Kilpatrick [Ayrshire], Kildonan, Killantringan, Kilrnichael [Galloway], Kilblain [Dumfriesshire], East Kilbride [Lanarkshire], Kilbucho [Peeblesshire], Kilmacolm [Renfrewshire], Killeonan, Kilchenzie, Kilbarr, Kilchieran, Kilmaluag, Kilchintorn, Kilbrandon, Kilchalman, Kilmachalmaig, Kilpheder [Highlands and Islands]) indicates that this generic appears to have remained productive in Gaelic-speaking settlement areas beyond those typical of sliabh. While many of these names characteristically commemorate saints known to have lived in the sixth and seventh centuries, their productivity seems to have come to an end not until the ninth and tenth centuries when Gaelic speakers moved into the Pictish territory of the Scottish north-east in large numbers and also confronted the Scandinavians in Caithness. Baite and achadh are important toponymic witnesses not only because of the chronological implications of their distribution patterns and the frequency of their occurrence but also because they directly refer to human settlement. Their patterns of distribution, though not completely congruous, largely confirm each other and point to the same conclusions. Examples from south of the Forth -Clyde line are Balbeg, Baldoon, Balmaghie, Ballaggan, Balbackie, Ballencrieff, Balerno, Balmuir, Balgreen, Auchenbrain, Auchleach, Auchenfad, Auchencairn, Auchentibber, Auchendinny, Auchinhard, Auchneagh; north of that line we find Ballindean, Baldragon, Balhagarty, Baldornoch, Balbeg, Balblair, Balgownie, Balintore, Baleloch, Balemartine, Achnaba, Auchenreoch, Auchmithie, Auchmacoy, Auchenreath, Auchintoul, Achluachrach, Achintraid, Achrimsdale.
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/59 Gaelic place-names • /j/ !, ,) • ~ ~ 'I""~ --.~ -~ _--A' 0 ;< \ \ \/ o 25 50 75 100 ""'" o 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Place-names containing sliabll {J v 9 25 50 75 100 """ o 10 20 30 4() 50 60 ",Ies Place-names containing cill WFHN
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/60 Gaelic place-names kms Q 2;5 so 75 100 o 10 20 30 40 50 60 mIles Place·names containing baile km, o 25 50 75 100 o 10 20 30 40 50 60 m... Place-names containing achadh WFHN
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/61 Anglian place-names The earliest English (Anglian) place-names in Scotland cannot be dated before the second quarter of the seventh century AD. Among these are names ending in Old English (OE) -ingham, like Coldingham (Berwickshire), Whittinghame and Tynninghame (East Lothian) and Penninghame (Wigtownshire). Equally early, but remaining productive longer, are names containing OE ham "village, homestead", as, for example, Ednam, Midlem, Oxnam; Smailholm, Yetholm (Roxburghshire), Birgham, Edrom, Kimmerghame, Leitholm (Berwickshire), Morham, Oldham(stocks) (East Lothian), and Smallholm (Dumfriesshire). Unlike ham which ceased to be creative in the formation of place-names before the Middle Ages, OE tun "enclosure, enclosed place" continued to be productive for many centuries. While it is therefore itself not a reliable guide to the chronology of English place-names in Scot Place-names containing ingtun, . ingham, botl, and botl tun WFHN o Name containing ingtun 6 Name containing ingham • Name containing bot! • Name containing botl tun kms o 25 50 75 100 I , o 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles land, it occurs in early names, perhaps till the end of the seventh century or a little later, when combined with -ing-, as in Edrington, Edington, Mersington, Renton, Thirlington, Upsettlington (Berwickshire) and some others. Generics like OE worth "enclosure", as in Polwarth (Berwickshire), Cessford and Judburgh (Roxburghshire), bothl, botl "dwelling", as in Bolton, Eldbotle (East Lothian), Newbatte (Midlothian), Morebattle (Roxburghshire) and Buittle (Kirkcudbrightshire), and wic, (minor) settlement", as in Berwick (now Northumberland), North Berwick (East Lothian), Borthwick (several), Darnick, Fenwick, Hawick (Roxburghshire), Dawick (Peeblesshire), Fishwick (Berwickshire), and Hedderwick (East Lothian, Berwickshire) also occur in this early Anglian stratum. Remarkable and not fully explained is the occurrence of names like Prestwick, Previck and Fenwick in Ayrshire. kms 2,5 100 mites • Names containing wic ... Names containing ham o Name containing worth Place-names containing wic, ham, and worth WFHN
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/62 The Scots of Dalriada Dalriada, the embryonic kingdom of the Scots, was founded about 500 AD when its royal family in the person of Fergus Mor, son of Erc, forsook Dunseverick, capital of Dalriada in Ireland, and took up permanent residence across the North Channel in Scotland. The northern limits of the Scottish Dalriada are depicted as they probably were in the second half of the sixth century. To the east the ridge of mountains known in Gaelic as Druim Alban separated Scot from Pict at this time. The extent of the territories occupied by the three chief peoples of Dalriada, the Cenel nGabrain, Cenel nOengusa and Cenel Loairn, is delimited according to mid seventh century evidence, although the boundary between the Cenel Loairn and the Cenel nGabrain on the mainland was drawn to take account of the fact that early in the following century Dunadd and Tarbert were their respective strongholds in the area. Dunollie was another important and contemporary Cenel Loairn stronghold, while Dunaverty belonged to the Cenel nGabrain. Finally, by the year 700 the temporary decline of the previously dominant Cenel nGabrain had allowed that section of it which inhabited Cowal and doubtless also the neighbouring island of Bute to emerge as the Cenel Comgaill and take its place alongside the other three peo ples of Dalriada. A continuing theme in the history of the Scots of Dalriada from the period of migration onwards was their policy of territorial expansion, perhaps best exemplified by the career of Aedan, son of Gabran. Ordained king of Dalriada by Columba on Iona in 574, in 575 he was in Ireland attending the now famous Convention of Druim Cetl. There are records of battles fought by him in the Isle of Man, in Orkney, in the Pictish province of Circinn and against the Maeatae of Central Scotland. His only real setback appears to have been the defeat inflicted on him in 603 by the oif Angles at the unidentified Degsastan somewhere in Northumbria. His grandson, Domhnall Brecc, equally ambitious, is also on record in Ireland and he was killed fighting the Britons at Strathcarron about 642. The first that is heard of Aed Find, king of Dalriada, is a battle fought by him in 768 in Fortriu, a Pictish province neighbouring Dalriada. Four of the next six kings of Dalriada are named kings of Fortriu implying that the process of establishing Scottish rule in Pictland was well underway. It was brought to its conclusion when Kenneth, mac Alpin, as king of Scots engineered the political union of Scots and Picts. However, it may be said that the church had long since prepared the way. Shortly after the advent ofColumba in 563, perhaps even before he founded his monastery on Iona, he went on a mission to Pictland, winning the friendship of, and probably converting to Christianity Brude, son of Maelchu, overking of all the Picts .. The Gaelic cultural pen etration accompanying the resultant spread of Christianity throughout Pictland seems to have been so deep and all pervasive as to lead to the virtual disappearance of the Picts from history in an otherwise remarkably short period of time after the union was effected. The administrative centre of the church moved from Iona to Dunkeld in 849, following the shift in political power, and Scone became the caput or legal centre of the greatly enlarged kingdom of the Scots,whose southern boundary was now the Forth-Clyde line. Chief kind reds of Oalriada Cenel Loairn Cenei nOengusa Cenei nGabrain i {JM~ Chief kindreds of Dalriada 62
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/63 Place-names according to Bede The names of northern Britain which appear on this map come from south-east Scotland up to the Forth; hence the inclusion of the ecBede's History. Bede was born probably in 673 and he died in 735; clesiastical foundations of Abercorn, Coldingham Melrose and the History was completed in 731. He was a monk for most of his Whithorn. Similarly, there is an un-named reference to life at Jarrow situated in the English kingdom of Northumbria. Most 'Nechtanesmere' where Egfrith, the king of Northumbria, was killed of the names mentioned by Bede are in the English kingdoms -parand Northumbrian power in Pictland was removed. That and other ticularly, Northumbria which had authority over what later became unnamed but recognisable references are shown in parenthesis. Some less certain places are also shown. Orkney NO~~y (T HE SOUJHERN " ..... -... o Conjectural names 'Degsaston' Unidentified name kms , 5,0 , , 10 20 30 40 miles
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/64 Scandinavian place-names and settlements Though the maps of place-names of Scandinavian origin indicate the distribution and density of settlement, they are inevitably incomplete. Many farms with Scandinavian names have long since disappeared or have been renamed. Nor do distribution maps reveal the chronology of settlement, relationships with pre-existing populations or different types of settlement established contemporaneously. Most of the Scandinavian names in Scotland were coined in the ninth to thirteenth centuries, the majority in the first half of that period and three different regions of Scandinavian settlement can be identified: the Northern Isles and north-east Scotland where the majority of names are Norse; the Western Isles and western seaboard of mainland Scotland where Norse names compete with Gaelic names; and the south-east of Scotland where Norse, Gaelic and Anglian names are all represented. There are two categories of place-name to consider. The fust is topographical names such as ON dalr (dale), nes (ness), vagr (voe) and vik (bay). Many central, primary farms bear names either in simplex form (Wick, Dale, Voe) or in compounds (Sandness, Lerwick, Snizort). There are in addition a vast number of topographical names associated with marginal farms which could have been coined at any time when the Norse language was current. The second group of names contain habitative generics such as bolstaar, stailir and setr, saetr. The first two generics are generally rendered simply as "farm" though they probably had implications beyond that for their names. Bolstaar names, for example, tend to be attached to large, fertile farms found in clusters of two, three or more and were probably given to farms resulting from division of an earlier, larger unit, indicated by the frequency with which they are compounded with loeational specifics such as norar (north) and suar (south) in the Northern Isles. Bolstaar takes various forms in Northern and Western Scotland -Urabister, (Shetland); Kirbist, (Orkney); Scrabster, (Caithness); Habost, (Lewis), Carbost, (Skye); Cornabus, (Islay); Eriboll, Skibo, (Sutherland); Ullapool, (W Ross); Crossapoll, (Tiree). Stamr farms are also large but unlike the bolstaar farms they tend to be independent units rather than divisions. Examples are: Oddsta, (Shetland); Costa, Tenston, (Orkney); Tolsta, (Lewis); Scarasta, (Harris); Connista, (Skye); Hosta, (N Uist); Olistadh, (Islay). The third element, setrlsaetr, was applied to more marginal farms established on pasture land, some of which may have originated as shielings. Examples include: Setter, Russetter, (Shetland); Inkster, (Orkney); Wester, Brackside, (Caithness); Grimshader, (Lewis); Drineshader, (Harris); Uigshader, (Skye); Earshader, (North Uist); Ellister, (Islay); Linside, (Sutherland). In south-west Scotland the Scandinavian elements bekkr (stream); byr (farmstead, village); and jJveit (clearing, meadow, paddock); and fell or fjall (hill, mountain) indicate that Scan din avian settlement in this area should be considered along with that of north-west England where these elements are common. Examples include: Allerbeck, Denbie, Cowthat, Crowthwaite and Borgue Fell. The Old Norse kirkja (church) appears in a number of names, for example, Kirkbryde and Kirkgunzeon. These so-called inversion compounds imitate Gaelic words order rather than Scandinavian. Some, like Kirkcudbright and Kirkoswald, demonstrate an Anglian ambience (St Cuthbert, St Oswald).
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/65 Scandinavian place-names and settlements otl " " ~ ·f , or:; bolstaar names {J kms o 25 50 75 100 I o 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Place-names containing dalr ~ la ~:r: of ~\? I> kms o 25 50 75 100 o 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Place-names containing bolstaar WFHN, LJM, ASm
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/66 Scandinavian place-names and settlements ~ " ...,(j . ~~ @c!J~ ~~ ~f:? rri&~ ~~ \!~ i" .~ i> gtI:. .. . • d:) " W § kms kms o 25 50 75 100 o 25 50 75 100 o 10 20 30 40 50 60 o 10 20 30 40 50 60 {J {J miles miles Place-names containing staar Place-names containing setr WFHN, UM, ASm
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/67 o Names containing byr • Names containing jJveit • Names containing bekkr kms 25 ;? 75 100 Place-names containing byr,pveit and bekkr 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles • Names containing fell / fjall .0 • • • kms 0 25 ;,0 7,5 190 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 mites • Names containing kirkja kms 2,5 , ;,0 Place-names containing kirkja 75 100 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles WFHN,LJM,ASm
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/68 Scandinavian place-names and settlements Though there are few written sources for the Northern and Western Isles of Scotland prior to about 1200, othertypes of evidence can contribute to the reconstruction of settlement patterns. Settlement may be distinguished as primary, secondary or marginal according to geographical factors. Primary farms in Shetland tend to be coastal with a sheltered harbour reflected in place-names descriptive of the major coastal feature -perhaps a bay, voe (inlet), ness or sound, extensive fertile land for arable and pastoral farming, a high land assessment, calculated in Orkney and Shetland in penny lands and ouncelands for tax purposes (a system probably adopted and adapted for the Western Isles by the earls of Orkney) and merklands for rent; a nearby proprietorial chapel site and very often a broch or fort site, indicating continuity of settlement districts from at least the Iron Age. These settlement districts are represented in Shetland by scattalds, each with the necessary features of a mixed pastoral and maritime economy. The territorial divisions of Norse Scotland (scattalds in Shetland) provide a useful key for understanding the interdependency ofall those features which make up settlement patterns -location, nomenclature, secondary expansion, land use, social organisation and administration. There are about two hundred scattalds in Shetland, twentyfour on the northern island of Unst. Most centre on coastal features favourable for settlement, on bays, firths, nesses and in dales, with arable and meadow land around and a hinterland of pasture making up the essential components of the districts. Within each scattald there can generally be identified a focus of settlement, usually at a prime coastal site, such as Wick, Burrafirth or Sandwick on Unst, around which have developed townships with secondary settlement at some distance along the coast or inland on the hill-grazing land. Primary farms often have simplex topographical names such as Wick (ON vik, bay); Skaw (ON skagi, low ness, cape); Sound (ON sund, sound); or compound topographical names like Sandwick (ON sandr-vik, sand-bay); Burrafrrth (ON borg-fjorttr, fort-firth); and Norwick (ON norttr-vik, north-bay). Settlement expansion from the primary sites could take various forms. The best secondary sites had good arable land and extensive grazing though without all the favourable factors of primary sites -perhaps inland with no immediate access to a beach, like Ungirsta, or coastal but lacking a sheltered natural harbour, like Clivocast. Farms established at some distance from the primary farm are often represented by the stattr element (Shetland, -sta) and occasionally they become the focus of scattalds in their own right, like Baliasta, Ungirsta and Hoversta. Other farms could be established on existing cultivated lands, represented by the generic bolstattr (Shetland, -bister), such as Wadbister (ON vatn, loch), associated with the primary farm of Snarravoe, and Crossbister (ON kross, cross), associated with Underhoull. Like stattr-farms, bolstattr-farms could also become scattald farms in their own right. Both types of farms are represented amongst the most highly assessed on Unst. More marginal farms could be established on or beyond the hill-dyke, the former represented by the element gardrlgerdi (Shetland garth, gert, gord), including Hundigarth (ON hund, dog) and Grisgarth (ON gris, pig); the latter represented by setrlsaetrfarms (Shetland setter, ster), including Murrister (ON myrr, moor) and Collaster (ON kollr, hill-top, Kollr, man's name). Houses esablished in the close vicinity of the primary farm, creating townships, most often took the generics hus (house), skali (hall) (Shetland, skaill), stofa (timber house) (Shetland, stove), and topt (ruin) (Shetland, toft, taft). Another indication of status is land assessment. There were two forms of land valuation in Norse Shetland -tax (scat), assessed in urislands and pennylands; and rent, assessed in merks. In Underhoull scattald, Unst there were four tax-paying farms -Underhoull (51 merks); Vinstrick (16 merks); Baila (9 merks) and Crossbister (18 merks), 94 merks in total. The whole scattald was I 1/6 urislands or 21 penny lands, 4112 merks per pennyland Within many of the scattalds is a broch or fort Which provided the focus of Iron Age settlement. For the Iron Age popula-· tion had similar requirements to the Norse settlers. On Unst there are ten fort-sites. The final indicator of primary sites is a church-site. As churches were proprietorial, they were often established at the primary farm, belonging to the most powerful family in the scattald. On Unst fifteen of the twenty-four scattalds have church-sites.
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/69 Scandinavian place-names and settlements Shetland FOULA 27 miles west 01 Scalloway --~·--l 1_ ~__" Good land • Iron age fort FAIR ISLE + Church site kms Scattald boundary 24 miles south I west 01 (where known) miles Sumburgh WFHN, UM, ASm Norse and native sites in Shetland scattalds
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/70 Scandinavian place-names and settlements kms o 0.5 .Baila I 1 9 o o.s mile Broch _ of Underhoull Lunda Wick • Newhouse • Kirkamires Underhoull + • 51 + +Kirk Vinstrick • 16 Crossbister • 18 • Burragarth • Lund + Church site _ Broch site 181 Vikling Age longhouse = BolstacTr name o 18 Number of merks for each farm Boundary of Scattald • Other places Underhoull scattald in Unst (Shetland) o Baliasta 300 + , " ,, ,_----7.-.- Baltasound I Caldback 1 (Besouth the Voe) 68 ' 129.5 e , t 123.5 tSlD ,-' ------:.:.,' ~:~~vadale Under --'_ ' 0 0 Houll ," ----' 15 + \~94,+ " ',... /' ....'--... _ _ _ , , ~ \ Sandwick SnabUrg~--\~ 70 .. ,-Hoversta e··· ,---"'·0 " ,and 00 ~ -;-;-~: :' '-. + ~Mailand, >', 1 .. 26, ' .:. ': Sound ,-3' Owadbister 77 Uyeasound; . 24,: _ _ 11 " + Church site Iron age fort Scattald boundaries Balista Stadir name o 3 Wadbister Bolstam name I I 36 Number of merks in scattalds o miles Loch Scattalds in Unst (Shetland) WFHN, UM, ASm 70
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/71 Viking graves The graves of the pagan Norsemen and women are a most important body of archaeological evidence from the early medieval period of Scottish history. They are evidence for the settlement of peoples of Norse culture with direct links with Western Norway and evidence for their adoption of some elements of local Celtic culture, and possibly for their intermingling with the local Celtic population. They are also rare evidence of early medieval society in a world where Christianised populations had long foregone the custom of burying goods with the dead, and the archaeological record is otherwise very meagre. Not only do the graves include ornaments and weapons, ,but also the tools of craftsmen and of farmers, as well as a variety of domestic implements. Several of them have traces of boats which had formed part ofthe grave furniture, as well as the skeletal material of domestic animals. There are difficulties in dating these graves precisely, but they support in general the dates for the Viking invasions known from historical sources, which span the ninth century (with a late eighth century beginning) and spread into the tenth century, at any rate in the Northern Isles. They fit into the place-name evidence which maps the area of Norse settlement so precisely, and confirm -StKilda • C? .... Male grave • Female grave ~ o Find where sex not indicated, or uncertain if the maritime nature of this settlement, in the Western Isles and Man, Orkney, Caithness and the Dornoch area of Sutherland. Strangely, very few graves have ever been found in Shetland. The eventual decline of the practice can be linked to conversion to Christianity which took place formally in Orkney in the late tenth and early eleventh centuries. But influence from native practice probably also played a part in changing custom and perhaps accounts for the rather small number of graves found in total something like nearly one hundred individual graves, whereas over three hundred have been found in Iceland, which was moreover not settled until the late ninth century. ~;I ~~~ #-c!] • ~)J find comes from a grave ... * Pagan cemetery X X x Grave or find of Norse artefact in a Church yard ? Exact location uncertain BEe • Family boat burial in Sanday, Orkney Viking graves
medieval-atlas/events-to-about-850/72 The Norse in Scotland The silver hoards ofthe Vikings are aclass ofarchaeological material which opens up a completely different aspect of our knowledge of the Norse in Scotland. They tell us about the trading/raiding side ofthese sea-borne colonisers and give an indication ofthe breadth of their trading activities. Viking hoards are recognisable from the variety of silver objects included:-arm-rings, brooches, necklets, ingots, and 'hack-silver' (cut-up pieces ofobjects which were used as bullion according to weight), as well as a variety of coins from the countries ofWestern Europe and the East, which came within the Viking trading network. The sheer size ofsome ofthese hoards (Skg found at the Bay of Skaill in Orkney), gives us a glimpse of the impressive wealth engendered by the Norse communities in Scotland and particularly in Ireland, where the coastal trading cities probably played a large part in stimulating the growth of the Viking economy. This wealth was carried around all the Norse communities ofScotland, including the Isle ofMan, where the number of hoards Rathlin burnt (795) ... Hoard with coins & other material • Coin hoard (c.20) dating from the late 10th and 11th centuries shows what an important centre of Viking activity the island had then become. How did these personal fortunes come to be buried in the ground? In times of uncertainty it was the only way of protecting one's valuables and if the owner did not survive to retrieve his hidden treasure then we can assume that times were uncertain indeed. Evidencefor hoards is based on 1.G-Campbell, The Viking-Age Gold and Silver Hoards ofScotland (1995). ;;'~r& C'950~~ c.1035 \:1 ~ c.1000 Dunnottar taken (889x900) c.1025 • D.unkeld A plundered (903) 9-11th cent. ,;,// AA'" .... c.1025 ... ,///.../ Corbridge X(914.918) Jarrow attacked (794) • Hoard without coins A 'Hogback' & Kindred Ecclesiastical Monuments kms X Battle-site ...~. o 25 50 75 190 I I ,, , , , • Places attacked by Norse To o 10 20 30 40 50 60 ---route between York and Dublin miles Dublin BEe Viking hoards and hogbacks
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/74 Events from about 850 to 1460 Scotland from about 842 to 1286 The kingdom of Scotia or Alba, although probably not called such in Latin or Gaelic respectively until 900, came into being as a result of the takeover of Pictland by the Scots of DaJriada under their king, Kenneth MacAlpin (d.858). The traditional date for this event is 842 but the process had begun much earlier. It had certainly been completed by the year 849 when the relics of Colum Cille were taken from Iona to Dunkeld thereby marking the new administrative centre of the Church. At about the same time, Scone became the caput or legal centre, doubtless because it had already functioned as such for the important Pictish province of Fortriu, perhaps also for the whole of Pictland. This explains why tradition brings the inauguration stone of the kings of Scots, commonly known as the Stone of Destiny, from Iona to Scone rather than DunkeJd. The abbot of the royal (regalis) monastery at Scone, probably a community of Culdees, seems to have taken over the mantle of the Abbot ofIona in respect oftaking part in the inaugural ceremonies associated with accession to the kingship of the Scots. The southern boundary of the enlarged kingdom of the Scots was now the Forth -Clyde line, though perhaps not precisely located on the Clyde until the final destruction of the British stronghold of Dumbarton by the Norse of Dublin in 870. It is likely to be at this point that Lennox, the northernmost province of the kingdom of Strathclyde, became part of Scotia. Control of the north depended upon the military presence there of the Norse and, for a time at least, their power extended as far south as Dingwall. Indeed, for the first fifty years or so of its existence, Scotia suffered a number of destructive raids by Scandinavians who plundered Dunkeld before 858 and probably also in 878 and again 903. But in the following year they were defeated in Strathearn by Constantine, king of Scots, who had the bachall or crozier of Colum Cille carried before his army. Constantine reigned from 900 to 943 and if nothing else was known about him the length of his reign, remarkable for this period, would be sufficient testimony to his success as a ruler. In 918 the Scots again defeated the Scandinavians, this time well outside the confines of Scotia on the banks of the River Tyne in Northern England. Constantine's retirement in 943 to become Abbot of the Culdee monastery of Kilrimont at SI. Andrews 'on the brow of the wave' is an indication of his confidence that the seaborne threat to Scotia from the Scandinavians had receded. More significantly, perhaps, it was apparently in his reign that the administrative centre of the church was removed from Dunkeld to SI. Andrews where it remained until the Reformation. Much of what little is known of the history of Scotia has to do with succession to the kingship under the terms of the system now generally labelled tanistry. After Constantine's reign it seems no longer to have operated peacefully, hence a long period of feud and faction between rival claimants productive of strife at such identifiable locations as Fetteresso in 954, Duncrub in 965, Fettercaim in 995 and Rathinveramon in 997. Another theme, that goes back to Dalriada, indeed to the initial period of migration from Ireland, was the constant urge of the Scots to expand into new territories. Kenneth MacAlpin himself invaded Lothian on no less than six occasions, the stronghold of Edinburgh was captured by the Scots in the reign of their King Indulf (954-62), and victory at the battle of Carham about 1018 by MaJcolm Il finally secured the district of Lothian. About the same time, MaJcolm's grandson, Duncan became king of Strathclyde which had been in a client relationship to the kings of Scots ever since the late ninth century, exemplified as much as anything by the influx of Gaelic speakers into the area in the interval, so that when Duncan succeeded to the kingship of the Scots on the death of his grandfather in 1034, Scotia had become Scotland more or less as we know it today.
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/75 Scotlandfrom about 842 to 1286 W r p PICTLAND Dunkeld....---" ENGLAND' IRELAND kms o 25 50 75 100 Scotia from about 842 to 1034 I JWMB o 10 20 30 40 50 60 ""'"'
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/76 Scotland from about 842 to 1286 The period (1040 to 1107) saw the kingdom of Scotland take on its recognisable medieval shape born geographically and constitutionally. The rivalry between the Moray line of the royal house (represented by Macbeth (1040-57) and his step-son Lulach (105758» and the direct descendants of Kenneth MacAlpin (represented by Malcolm 11' s grandson Duncan I. (1034-40) and his sons Malcolm III Canmore (1058-93) and Donald Ban (1093. 1094-97) was marked by old-fashioned slayings of Duncan I al Pitgaveny. of Macbeth at Lumphanan and of Lulach al Essie. The anti-foreign reaction which followed Malcolm Ill's death in 1093 entailed the killing of Duncan 11 at Mondynes in the interests of Donald Ban who in turn was fatally wounded at Rescobie. The way was clear for Edgar (1097-1 107) to exploit the territorial advantages built up under the two Malcolms and rule effectively from the northern Highlands to the Tweed. But in the 1090s the king of Scots lost English Cumbria to William Rufus and the Western Isles to Magnus Barelegs king of Norway. / o ~slern Isles \j~Udreyrar) M o R A (to Norway) ( y ~ f) C?
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/77 Scotlandfrom about 842 to 1286 Although the Hebrides and Northern Isles remained Norwegian. the kingdom ruled by David I.especially from 1141 to 1153. represented the widestextenl ofScouish royal government hilhertoeltperienced. In the south. Cumberland. North Westmorland and Northumberland were brought under Duvid's control after 1141. while the king look To Norway § r C 0 \ Isle of"tan -1 "'\ \ No""ay) ) care 10 exercise royal authority in Argyll, Kinlyre and Caithness, as well as establishing casllelburgh sltongpoints in Moray, a province secured by the banle of Stracathro (J 130). The centre of gravity however. in politics and government remained in the soulhern Lowlands, from Fife to the northernmost sheriffdoms of England. T I A Bamburgh ari
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/78 Scotland from about 842 to 1286 The political power struggle between the Comyn and Durward parties during the tense minority of King Alexander III cannot be fully understood without the awareness oftheir rivallandcd inlerests and ambitions. especially between about 1230 and about 1260. TIle Comyn ascendancy ofthe 1230s was threatened in 1242 by the loss of the earldoms ofAmoll and Angus from family control and more especially in 1244 by the promotion of Alan Durward as Justiciar of Scotia. chief adviser of Alexander 11. This office. the main political office of state, would play a crucial role when Alexander 11 died in 1249 and the minority of the young Alexander II1 began. Ourward sought to use the office 10 realise the long-held family ambition for the earldom of Mar. The Comyns had had their first tussle with the Ourwards over the earldom of Atholl. Alan Ourward had himself brieny held the title of earl of Atholl around 1233 x 1235, his right probably based on wardenship of the heir rather than marriage to the heiress -but the earldom remained in the Comyn family circle until 1242 when il fell to Oavid de Hastings. A longer and more passionate dispute exisled over the earldom of Mar. Malcolm of Lundie. an Angus lord and the king's doorward (hence the name 'Ourward') had been given land on marriage to the daughter of v,l,ocn.euu • Comynland .6. OUTWard land ~Disputed land Mar, about 1203 x 1211. Thomas Ourward pressed a claim 10 the earldom when it fell vacant about 12 10 -1220 but had to be satisfied with the important lordship of Coull between Don and Dec. When the earldom of Mar also came under Comyn innuence around 1242 x 1244 -through the marriage of William, earl of Mar to the daughter of William Comyn. earl of Buchan -OUTWard resentment was understandable. It is hardly surprising that. after exclusion from political power from 1251 10 1255 during another period ofComyn ascendancy, Alan DUTWard took full advantage of his renewed Justiciarship of Scolia to pursue personal profit. He challenged the legitimacy of the earl of Mar's father and grandfather in order to obtain the earldom himself. Earl William's delaying tactics and a Counte
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/79 The Anglo-Scottish Border The Anglo-Scottish frontier clearly delineated on the eve of the fIrst resistance. At the same time, the kings of Scots acquired the exten war of independence was the product of a lengthy and complex sive lordship -later 'liberty' of Tynedale, i.e. the dales of North process beginning around the middle of the tenth century when the and South Tyne. By the treaty of York (1237) Alexander II effec kings of Scots pushed their eastern boundary through Lothian to the ti vely recognised English possession of Northumberland, Tweed. By the early eleventh century they had taken over Cumbria Cumberland and Westmorland but in return was confIrmed in or Strathclyde, giving them a foothold on the north-west boundary Tynedale and was given the newly-created 'honour of Penrith'. A ofYorkshire. In 1092 this Scottish southward drive was reversed by striking feature of the Border thus evolved and established was that WilIiam Rufus's annexation of 'English' Cumbria and building of the Scottish side was marked by relatively thickly-populated dis Carlisle castle, but in 1136 the Scots re-asserted their suzerainty tricts and important towns while much of the English side con over Cumbria and attempted to annex Northumberland -successsisted of sparsely settled wastes and moorlands. fully from 1139 to 1157, but thereafter thwarted by strong English SCOTIA Edinburgh () \}\t £ o "'~ ~e{~ r '\ V~ ~ I. ~~N .~. Berwick upon Tweed Stow \ $-'5~ Norha~oSI. Cuthbert \ ~Redde"6"" .~ ..:. OedeY!llI,"" Holy Island Tweed \ -l>' _ -, Roxburgh :.u..;x, Carham -Bamburgh ~ -n:-1018 • • Selkirk " .... Warenmouth '\ \ • \0'1 :: Jedburgh .... -
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/80 The Anglo-Scottish Border On the English side there were generally two marches. An excepThe wardens, usually provided by the families of Percy tion was the middle march, created for the earl of Northumberland and Neville on the English side and March and Douglas on the Scot(1381-4) and again in existence from 1470 (combined with the east tish side, were to meet on March Days, often at Liliot Cross during march until 1536). Its revival was perhaps intended to match its the English occupation to Teviotdale. Scottish counterpart, referred to from the mid fifteenth century, and Warfare was largely a matter of raids and sieges, for examadditional to the Scottish east and west marches (mentioned in 1355 ple, the siege of Roxburgh by the Scots during which lames II was and 1364 respectively). killed in 1460. The debateable land on the west march resulted from the uncertain allegiance of the Storeys and later the Grahams. West March ";""'; •Maximum extent of territory under English occupation from the treaty of Berwick (1357) to 1384 March created for the earl of Northumberland, 1381-84 • Castles Boundary between Scotland and England Other boundaries The Marches 1357 to 1384 "S~ • #\~~ Norham ~.~-, .~. \......, . 8amburgh /'> Roxburgh • ~. -'(Regained 14~. ......J) /' /:.' Jedburgh V . "\(Regained 1409) ... -I J ~ ..... ----) ,~, # ' \,,,,\,~. ' ... , ~ ". l " : Middle March ..... " New~stle ~ f • Carlisle '~I ....\J West March I ':::"~, .... ~.." of '--'"" ~.~~'~ ~~ Debateable land :~::3:3; Territory under English control Nil'" Castles 0 25, 75, 100 , ,, Boundaries of the Scottish marches I Boundary of the English middle march 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles The Marches in the fifteenth century AT
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/81 Anglo-Scottish relations: David I to Alexander III The accession of David I (1124-53) marked a major turning point in the inter-relationship ofthe Scottish and English kingdoms. David held the honour ofHuntingdon in the English eastern midlands from 1113, and he had no wish to give it up when he became king. Moreover, he encouraged immigration from other parts of England, especially the Welsh marches, of young men prepared to serve him militarily as feudal vassals; and from 1141 to 1153 the king pressed his claims effectively to rule over the earldom of Northumberland and southern or 'English' Cumbria. On the ecclesiastical side, David successfully deprived Durham diocese ofTeviotdale and Tweeddale, SCOTIA transferring them to Glasgow, but on the other hand Glasgow lost English Cumbria in 1133 when Henry I (1100-35) created the new diocese of Carlisle and assigned it to the province of York. The warfare of Stephen's reign (1135-54) played surprisingly little part in Anglo-Scottish relations. Although the Scottish army led by David I and his son sustained a heavy defeat near Northallerton in 1138 (the battle of the Standard), the Scots were able to control most of the northern English counties during David's last decade; and David himself died at Carlisle. 6'1 -(' ·Edinburgh LOTHIAN Berwick upon Tweed ·l'iIorham R -.rb h Bamburgh • ox urg Glasgow ~Jedburgh. . ......D~rhamt Warkworth .(),.. 1---0 : 0 '" ... Hexha: ~
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/82 Anglo-Scottish relations: David I to Alexander III WiIliam I's policies were to regain the earldom of Northumberland (of which he had been deprived by Henry 11 in 1156) and other northern English counties once ruled by David I, and to maintain Scottish independence. Diplomatic attempts having failed, William allied with Louis VII and supported the rebellion of the "Young King" Henry against Henry 11. William led three expeditions into England (1173-74), with little success, but Earl David helped to win control of the midland counties of England. After capture at Alnwick (1174), William was taken to Normandy. The treaty ofFalaise, confirmed atYork (1175), made Scotland effectively a subject kingdom: Huntingdon was forfeit, and English garrisons stationed at Berwick, Roxburgh and Edinburgh castles. J'7' _ ,../ . -4 J\1 ./ '" lJ/(1i' WJ' Edinburgh Lands of the honour of Huntingdon English influence was seen in help given to William to restore his authority in Galloway and Carrick following revolts, and in intervention over a disputed election to the see of St Andrews. However, in 1185 the honour of Huntingdon was restored, and, on William's arranged marriage to Ermengarde of Beaumont, Edinburgh castle was returned. Richard I, anxious to go crusading, accepted money to cancel the treaty of Falaise and restore Berwick and Roxburgh castles. William met John on three occasions between 1200 and 1207. A crisis over the Scottish destruction ofthe recently built Tweedmouth castle could not be resolved by a conference at Bolton (1209), and at Norham John obtained a ransom, the surrender ofWilliam's daughters, Margaret and Isobel, with a view to their future marriage, and the sons of nobles as hostages. The price of English help to suppress a revolt in Ross (1212) seems to have been a confumation of this treaty and a concession that John should control the marriage of Prince Alexander, who was Berwick knighted by John. The kings last met, in a better Iweedmouth atmosphere, in 1212. Bamburgh kms 100 I 0 I 10 20 I 30 I 50 I 60 miles Anglo-Scottish relations: William 1(1165-1214) WWS 82
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/83 Anglo-Scottish relations: David I to Alexander III The baronial rebellion against King John enabled Alexander II to repudiate the treaties of 1209 and 1212 and claim the Bordercounties. The map illustrates the strength of the Scots' strategic position v:hen they invaded (Oct. 1215) and assists in following the vicissitudes of the campaign. The 'Northerners' regarded Alexander as a natural ally in their struggle, and Northumberland, Cumberland and Westmorland were formally adjudged to him by the Twenty-five barons of Magna Carta. The Yorkshire rebels paid Alexander homage on 11 January 1216. But during John's northern drive (Jan.-Feb. 1216), sixteen rebel castles fell, and he conducted a devastating counter-invasion of Scotland. The Scots recovered Carlisle in August; Alexander had his candidate elected to the vacant bishopric; Alan, lord of Galloway, seized north Westmorland. The rebellions of the count of Aumale and the earl of Surrey, whose castles included Skipton, Sandal and Conisbrough, opened the way south, and Alexander marched to Dover, easily the deepest penetration of Englan"d by a hostile Scottish force. About mid-September, he offered homage at Dover to Prince Louis of France, who as claimant to the English throne acknowledged Alexander's right to the three Border counties (but not to Yorkshire). On John's death (Oct. 1216) moderates rallied behind the young Henry 111. The rebel army, including a Scottish contingent, was routed at Lincoln (20 May 1217), and the ground cut from beneath the Scots, whose war aims had· always depended chiefly on the strength of the baronial movement. On I December Alexander relinquished Carlisle; at Northampton by 19 December he returned to the allegiance of the English crown, as lord of the Huntingdon honour and Tynedale. Despite Alexander's greater initial advantages, as in 1173-4 an enterprise confidently begun ended in abject failure, and that helped to introduce new realism into the conduct of AngloScottish relations . • \oldlngham Norham. erwlck Roxburgh. ,:c Warkl!l • Bamburgh Wooler " • Inwick -: -Ri'b:'le Warkworth Rothbury , Mitford_~ LiddeL.-\ Irthingion. Styford[]. [] Newcastle .'if Brampton Prudhoe \ arhs e []Durham L > Cockermo t []Brougham[] Brancepeth. Appleby[] Barnard Castle~~ Egremont Brough[] BO~ Whorlton. Castle\
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/84 Anglo-Scottish relations: David I to Alexander III From December 1217 to March 1296 Scotland and England were continuously at peace. This long period of stability, unparalleled in the Middle Ages, owed much to the readiness of Alexander II and Henry ill to settle or play down differences. Alexander's marriage to Henry's sister Joan at York (19 June 1221) reinforced the peace concluded at Northampton in 1217. Most significant was the treaty of York (25 Sept. 1237), a major landmark in the making of the Scots kingdom. Alexander renounced in perpetuity all claims to Northumberland, Cumberland and Westrnorland for lands worth £200, and at last the Scots recognised the futility of continuing to pursue the traditional goal of southern expansion. In 1244 the kingdoms verged on war. Alexander had married secondly Marie de Coucy, a match deemed provocative by Henry III who feared a Franco-Scottish alliance. Another cause of dispute was the fortification of Border castles, probably Hermitage and Caerlaverock as illustrated. But by the treaty of Newcastle upon Tyne (14 Aug. 1244) Alexander promised to refrain from any hostile act against Henry and that his son, the future Alexander Ill, would marry Henry's daughter Margaret. The map cannot cover every important aspect of AngloScottish relations in this period. Many of the barons of Scotland who swore to uphold the treaties ofYork and Newcastle were crossBorder landlords with a vested interest in harmony. The pope, England's overlord and protector, also encouraged peace. Unresolved by negotiation was the key question of the constitutional relationship between Scotland and the English crown. But Scottish independence was not jeopardised, and in 1217, 1237 and 1244 Henry ill implicitly accepted Scotland's status as a separate kingdom. Newcastle Sep!. 1236 o Aug. 1244 (treaty with Henry Ill) Driffield 1::. o York June 1220 Dc!. 1220 June 1221 (marriage to Henry Ill's sister Joan) Dec. 1229 Sep!. 1237 (treaty with Henry Ill) 1::.Fenstanton o Worcester o Northampton July 1223 Dec. 1217 (peace with Henry Ill) o Meeting places of Alexander 11 and Henry III (with dates of conferences) 1::. Manors granted by Henry III to Queen Joan for her maintenance '" Manors granted by Henry III to Alexander 11 under the treaty of York, 1237 • Other places ~ kms 0 25 50 75 100 I , , , ,, , , , ,, 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Anglo-Scottish relations: Alexander 11, 1217 to 1249 KJS
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/85 Anglo-Scottish relations: David I to Alexander III It is natural to place Alexander Ill's reign (1249-86) in the context of the subsequent war of independence. Despite signs of tension such as increased frequency of embassies (1275-78) and discussion of border disputes in 1278, the relationship between England and Scotland was close in Alexander rn's reign, and, between about 1260 and 1286, probably friendlier than at any period because of Alexander's marriage to Henry nI's daughter Margaret (1251). Much political activity in the minority years 1249-about 1260 sprang from Henry's concern for the young couple and for the stability of Scotland. Both political groups, Comyns and Durwards, recognised the need for H~nry's sUP'p,ort. After the minority, there was a very good personal relationship between the two royal families. Another stabilising force was a politically active group of magnates with land in both kingdoms. For example, John de Balliol and Robert de Ros were guardians of the young Scots king and queen (1251-55), Alan Durward served Henry rn in Gascony (1254), had Henry's support for his "takeover" in Scotland in 1255, and took refuge in England after 1257. On five occasions (1257-1261) Roger de Quincy took part in embassies to Scotland. The Bruce, Comyn and Balliol families were represented on Henry's side at the battle of Lewes (1264). John de Vescy accompanied Edward I (1272-1307) on crusade and then was ~-Haddington r------------, a leader of Alexander rn's expedition to the Isle of Man (1275). Edinburg (~) 1265 x 1266 Prince Edward These forces of stability helped to keep in abeyance possi visits (1) Margaret (11) Alexander ble tensions over English claims to suzerainty and border disputes. (L._-,-_______--' Tensions increased after Queen Margaret's death (1275), but it was Embassies of Roger de Quincy, earl of Winchester and Constable of Scotland in 1257, 1258, 1259, 1260 and 1261 1278 meeting of Edward I and Alexander III a set of tragic circumstances -the deaths ofAlexander In's children, David (1281), Margaret (1283), and Alexander (1284), and of Alexander himself (1286) -which finally broke a "tie of indissoluble affection". Alexander III knighted by Henry Ill. Marriage of York Alexander to Henry Ill's daughter Margaret Tewkesbury Woodstock 1256 visit of Scottish kingand queen kms o 25 50 75 100 I , I o 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Anglo-Scottish relations: Alexander III (1249-86)
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/86 Edward I in Scotland This series ofmaps shows the routes that Edward I ( 1272-1307) took on his eltpeditions 10 Scotland. The maps do not show every apparent foray which the king took. for example. when he wintered in Dunfennline from November 1303 until March 1304. However. the itinerary of 1296 is described in a contemporary account. The first journey in Scotland came in the summer of 1291 after Edward'sovcrlordship of Scotland had been acknowledged: he returned south in August for the assembly al Berwick al which the petitions in the great cause were 10 be presented. '" ·A~)(burgh ('illJ (" ...... /"/ :.~ Direction of travel kms .--..Outward 0 25 50 75 100 . ,, , , -----~Inward I • Places on the itinerary 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Edward 1 in Scotland 1291 PGBM 86
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/87 Edward I in Scotland The itinerary of 1296 wao; a campaign of conquest which followed sacked and the inhabitants were slaughtered. Edward travelled as far upon the Scollish declaration.'. ofindependence and the ratification of nonh as Elgin: on the way north he received King John's renunciation the treaty between SCOIS and the French. The campaign lasted ofthe French treaty at Str:uhcathro (7 July) and his abdication oflhc '....enly-one weeks. beginning in March. After Berwick fell. it was throne al Brechin (10 July). Edward was back in Berwick by mid September. ZKildNmmy ~ • \'\ (/ ...• lumpha~9 ~D-"m~ ~-:Kincardlr D'T" '\ , . I
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/88 Edward I in Scotland The military expedition of 1298 was designed to reverse the effect Fa1kirk where they defeated the Scots under Wall ace. Edward's of Wallace's victory over the English at Stirling on II September campaign took him to Ayr, from where he went to Dumfriesshire 1297. After some difficulty, Edward's forces travelled as far as and back to Carlisle: but Edward had returned to Scotland becaust; (~;;1.,~ LI~"h9~::7Id'"' Falki~~ '-'"T"SoAbercorn (11-17/8 , ~r-.? (22f7). ' ...._-:__ ~ _ Br~id (19-2017) Torphlchen Kirkliston--:.> Oalhousie (1017) (10/8) (15,2017)" ~ala Glencorse, ~(20/8) '"" ",\ West Lin~n Lauder (9,1017) _----(21/8) ~~ark (18-19/10) _----------------~dPaih ~ ~(717) ~~~ "Ayr (26/8-1/9) /' r Chillingham, Jedbur h (1-2f7) Direction of travel -Outward -------~Inward Edward I in Scotland 1298 • Places on the itinerary The campaign of 1300 was designed to subjugate the south west: and it ended in a truce to last to May 130 I. 'Rotheland' (417) orUmbUrgh\carlisle (417) (30/8,2/9) • Places on the itinerary o Conjectural locations 'Rotheland' Lost names ---... Direction of travel Edward I in Scotland 1300 After the truce ended, there was no prospect of peace; while King Scotland to the upper Clyde and down the Clyde valley to Glasgow. Edward took a larger force to Berwick from where he went across The king win red in Linlithgow and left Scotland in February. T,~tirling (2,8/10) ouniPacef· "''''-~ Manuel· -------->-e Linlithgow ' Glasgow (23/10-31/1) Edinburgh . Bothwell .. , n Kinclaith • tlOrbiston / /'__ _ ~ Machan(?) • '" Cambusnethan Klrkurd",Lauder .J.L k , ·Sto;.v anar ~" Coldstream Peebles • Traquai~\....KeJ;o ~'j _.~ .... Kilham (19/2) -,Selkirk""-RoxtiU'rgh / Midlem Direction of travel -Outward -------~Inward { • Places on the itinerary \ Edward I in Scotland 1301 to 1302 PGBM 88
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/89 Edward I in Scotland On 24 February 1303. the SCOIS defeated an English contingent al on 7 July at the age of 68. RasHn: and on 20 May in the peace between England and France. The composite mapofall of Edward 1'5Scouish campaigns Scotland was nOI comprehended. Edward's summer campaign was a shows that apart from occasional forays such as the oncs to Ayr in full-scale invasion in which the English forces went as far north as 1298 and 10 Boat orGanen in 1303 the main area which he covered Kinloss. After a long siege (May 10 20Juiy) Stirling castle was taken was the eastern part of Scotland: and most orhis routes were within by Edward. Thereafter. he wintered in Dunfermline and returned to reasonable distance from the sea, so Ihat he could call upon the England in Augu'il 1304. After this subjugation, Edward tried to support of the fleet. Edward's lieutenants went further afield. stabilise the situation by a constitutional settlement. The resurgence The maps give mainly a picture of places at which writs of Scottish independence under Robert I· who had been made king were issued: some ofthe places must have been oflinle significance. on 25 March 1306· had been kept in check by Edward's lieutenants, The Gough map (which is shown in the first section of this atlas), on but Edward himself. although seriously ill. planned to undertake a the other hand. shows major places· cities, castles and passages· futher campaign in July 1306, but he was incapacitated until March which would have been of use 10 lravellers or invaders. 1307. He heard of Robert's victory at Loudon Hill (10 May 1307) ~n(8. 1319) Cullen (519) and decided to lead another Scottish expediton in person. He only A h 6/9 Banff (3.~ ....'''"'''.."::::;:::v-"'~~.7' ~"---J y ( (o:WJ. (29~1 'Kirf
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/90 Edward I in Scotland 't . • Places on itinerary Edward I in Scotland 1291 to 1307 ./ S ~..,tr ~m~~p-91101 Cochran (10/10) Kinca~ne O'Neil (10/10) EddleSl0n (19/~ / ~TraqUair(2018) \, ~ / ).Yelholm (23,2518\ Selki~k (21-221~~.~ ( Jj-dburgh (23-,~.~8)'·· ~Bolton(25/8) ./ ....,"" "'" Burgh by Sands (7f7107) '-\CarlISle kms 0 I 25 , 50 ,, 75, , 100 miles Detail of Fife area • Places on the itinerary Direction of travel, inward Edward I in Scotland 1303 to 1304, inward journey, and 1307 PGBM 90
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/91 The succession, diplomacy and war MALCOLMIV (1153-65) ALEXANDER 11 (1214-49) I I ALEXANDER III m Margaret (1249-86) Alexander Davld d. 1284 d. 1281 DAVIDI Scottish rulers HENRY III English rulers Ada Others WILLIAM (1165-1214) Margaret (d. 1283) m Eric 11 of Norway . I MARGARET (1286-90) DAVID I (1124-53) I . Earl Henry d. 1152 Ada HENRY III (1216-72) EDWARDI (1272-1307) EDWARDlI (1307-27) EDWARDIIl (1327-77) Margaret m. Alan of Galloway DervorLilla m . John Balliol JOHN (1292-6) d. 1314 Edward Balliol d. 1363 . I Davld, earl of Huntingdon Isabella m. Robert Bruce Robert Bruce, the competitor d. 1295 Robert Bruce, earlOflCarriCk ROBERTI (13~6-29) DAVIDII (1329-71) Ada m. Henry IH"ti"g' H,myrti"," Henry Hastings The Great Cause and after: genealogical table PGBM 91
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/92 The succession, diplomacy and war AI Scone. early in 1284, following the deaths of his three children, Alexander 111. with the consent of the magnates. seulcd the succession on his granddaughter. Margarel. the Maid of Norway. In 1285 he married Yolande of Dreux. but in March 1286. having left Edinburgh and crossed from South Queensferry IQ Inverkeithing IQ VIsit his wife al Kinghom. he was killed by a fall from his horse. After Alexander's burial al Dunfermline. a parliament al Scone chose six Guardians to govern the kingdom. and sent an embassy (instructions unknown) 10 Edward I. It travelled via Newcastle and London: its destination was perhaps SI. Jean d'Angely. but it found Edward at Saintes and reported back. 10 the Guardians at Clackmannan. In 1289.lhc Guardians began negotiations with Norway and NORWAY Count} "'"'t ofDrru.( "'--'" The Great Cause: European selling In early May, Edward arrived at Norham to begin the "Great Cause" to decide who should be king of Scots. The meetings took place in Norham parish church and castle, on Holywell Haugh, a field opposite the castle on the Sconish side of the Tweed. and in England for the marriage of Margaret to Edward's son. In the Treaty of Salisbury (November 1289). ratified by the Scots at Birgham in March 1290. the three countries agreed that Margarel should be sent 10 Scotland. The proposed marriage was arranged in the Treaty of Birgham in July 1290 and confirmed by Edward at Nonhampton in August. Edward sent a ship from Yannouth to bring Margaret to Scotland (May 1290) and by June had taken control of the Isle of Man, which belonged to the Scouish Crown. However, the queen left Bergen in a Norwegian ship. only to die in the Orkneys. then Norwegian territory (late September 1290). English envoys were at Wick on 4 October. apparently to conduct funher negotiations with the Norwegians. Meanwhile. the Scots magnates were gathering at Penh. perhaps for Margaret's inauguration at Scone. On 7 October Bishop Fraser of SI. Andrews wrote to Edward from Leuchars telling him of rumours of the Maid's death and asking him to intervene. Although Edward announced during a parliament at Clipstone which began on 27 October 1290 that he intended 10 go to Scotland, the death of Queen Eleanor caused an interruption till March 1291. P.:-:~.~ Clackman~an ~~n;~ne Inverkeith,~nghon:I South Ou&ensleoy Edinburgh • Jedburgh The topography of the Great Cause: Scotland and England the castle and fanner Dominican friary in Berwick. On 17th November 1292 John Balliol was awarded the kingdom and on 30th inaugurated at Scone. ~ ,... ea... BE , The topography of the Great Cause: Norham and Berwick upon Tweed NFS 92
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/93 The succession, diplomacy and war In the spring of 1296. Edward I sacked Berwick. defeated a Scottish army at Dunbar. and marched. virtually unopposed. as far as Elgin. On his way north. terms of surrender were dictated to the Scots at Brechin castle. and at Kincardine. Stracathro and MonlrOse. the royal authority of John Balliol was progressively dismantled in a series of humiliating submissions. The general rising of 1297 was inspired by a number of prominent men. but is forever associated with only one figure, William Wallace. Unlike the other Scottish leaders. Wallace did not capitulate at 1rvine in July, but went on towin the spectacular victory ofStirling Bridge. However. this was a pieceoftaclical opportunism. unlikely to be repeated. The Scottish massed-infantry schiltrom had many weaknesses when confronted by disciplined heavy cavalry supported by archers. as was demonstrated the next year at Falkirk, where the Scots sustained a serious defeat at the hands of a starving and near-mutinous army. For a variety of diplomatic and dome~tic reaM)ns, Edward was unable to follow up this success, and the $cot'\ recovered some ground; in particular. they regained the majorCaslle of Stirling. Edward's expedition of 1300 achieved little apart from the relief of Lochmaben, the capture ofCaerlaverock and the dispersal of a Scottish army at the Cree. A two-pronged auack in 1301 was ~".~~'""'"'"~.. "_..,, taken. However. the main English effon in the south-west was contained and did not reach Inverkip as planned. though it captured Tumberry. After wintering al Linlilhgow. Edward made anomer in his series of inlenninent truces with the Scots. It was clearly intended that the next invasion of 1303 should come to stay -Edward now had nothing to fear from the prospect of an active alliance of the Scots. the French and the Papacy. Though a probing force was defeated al Roslin.the main expedition penetrated to Kinloss before returning to winter al Dunfennline; the difficulties of suppl in a Jar ann in a hostile country. which had bedevilled earlier expeditions, had been circumvented by the use of shippi ng for this purpose. Edward was able 10 mount operations from his winlcrbaseagainst the Scottish stronghold of Ellrick Forest and one suc h raiding party defeated Wallace at o Happrew. In the spring. the anny moved to besiege Stirling. The general surrender of the Scottish leaders at Strathord. in February 1304. preceded the fall of the caMle. Wallace. now a 0 fugitive. engaged in at least one further skirmish near Bridge of Earn. but his capture on 3 August 1305 brought resistance to an end. 7 ~Igin(Se: August 1297)~r j·Kinl~ss) -_ )Banlf(Se:1297 Inverness (Se: about August 1297) /' ./ (V o Urquhart Castle (Se: 1297) p :/~~K;nca>"-'d;n. ~yth'O Brechin Montrose Stirling Bridge (1 1 September 1297) ,f. r Stirling (Se: late Dunfermline ~, ~OJuly (304) cX:falkirlc: (A:2J 1298) ~Qunbar(27 April 1296) Inverlc:ip~ ~ h Roslin (24 February 1303) Bothwell (1301) /Wick upon Tweed (sacked 30 March (296) 641peebles 1301) Happrew , (February Selkirk (1301} 1304( /, / \ ~ / Jlochmaben Caerlaverock (1300) Battle and skirmishes (with dates) o Castles with dates of capture (13Ot) by English (Se 1297) by Scots) CIU: Conjectural site • Other places mentioned in text 25 50 75 100 o "'" Border between Scotland and England I JDG 10 20 30 40 50 60 Events 1296 to 1305: rebellion and defeatO mileo
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/94 The succession, diplomacy and war The seven cities shown on the map indicate the destinations ofsome 35 major political embassies which left Scotland between the accession of John Balliol and the death of Robert I. The cities are representalive only: Paris of the French court; Avignon and Rome of the Papal curia; London and Newcastle of the English court; Bergen of the Norwegian court. The embassies do nOI include ecclesiastical (i.e. for the ordinalion of bishops) or trade missions (Le. to the Ba~ic cities). unless these are known also 10 have been importanl in political tenns. Missions 10 France and the papacy make up the vast majority of these embassies: Dublin features only once (13 15). Norway only twice (1299 and 1302) and mO~1 of the English missions took place after Bannockbum. aimed specifically aI negotiating either truces or a 'final peace'. The limited number of destinations is indicative of the rela+ tive isolation or Scotland during the war with England. Scottish envoys were consistently welcome only in the French court. (The Pope, as the leader of Christendom. had a duty to recei ve envoys. but it would not be true to say that the Scots were always we1come~) Scotland's active allies were few. The fact. however. thatlrade continued with the Italian and Baltic city states. the Empire and the Spanish kingdoms. indicates that England's allies. although many and powerful. were not necessarily anti-Scottish. Despite English protestations. trade and other peaceful links continued largely as usual. Most of Scotland's political diplomacy, however. was patently anti-English. and il is thus no surprise to find Iha! Scottish envoys visited only powers which also had quarrels with the English NORWAY Sergen 0• 0 '" .,.'" Paris FRANCE • Avignon ITALY G .Rome U Scottish embassies abroad 1292 to 1329 NHR 94
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/95 Robert I (1306-29) Roben Bruce murdered John Cornyn in Greyfriars' church. Dumfries. on 12 February 1306. By the limeofhiscoronalion al Scone on 25-27 march. he had rcpleni~hcd his castles of Dunavcrty and Loch Doon. and he and his !.upportcrs had taken. besieged. or attempted to win over the garrisons of all the castles in the South-West which arc marked on map. Support for Ihis rebellion was nOl confined to Ihm area; the castle of Cupar in Fife. and the new cast le of Tolibothwell in Aberdeenshire were also captured. The English forces ofoccupation also seem 10 have reacted quickly after the Comyn murder. They look steps to reinforce Ihe important castles of Roxburgh and Jedburgh as early as 13 February. By mid-June. Edward),s lieutenant in Scotland, Aymcrde Valence. had established himself at Perth, having retaken Cupar and having received the first overtures of surrender from some of Bruce's supporters at Scotland we ll on 9 June. Bruce seems 10 have spent some ofthe period after his coronation at various places in Perthshire. presumably attempting 10 muster his po",cr. The confrontation of the two annies at Methven on 19 June proved disastrous for Bruce. Fleeing westwards, he was pursued by at least a detachment of English cavalry, and on or about 13 July suffered anolhermajordefeat at Dairy. at the hands ofJohn Macdougall of Argyll. After hi!. engagement, the queen and the Olher ladies of "~ Bruce's party were sent north to Kildrummy. However, Valence also turned northwards on 13 July. reaching Aberdeen on 3 August He quick ly moved on Kildrummy. The ladies had left the castle before il fell in early September. but they were captured soon afterwards at SI Duthac's sanctuary near Tain. The castles which were held forBruce in the south-west werequickly subdued by the English local commanders. who had quelled any remaining resistance by 9 November. Bruee himself had already disappeared into the west. t1 (J \:1\\ o Kildrummy (early ~~'\Y' 1306) xLOChTay~ Foulis Wester M~thven (1916106 Callander'::~ )('_.~ne"'" Crieff~Perth • Muthill Cupar (2 June 1306) Scotlandwell Kirkintilloch
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/96 Robert 1(1306-29) When Roben Bruce relUmed to his earldom of Carrick in February Ba.l venie. Duffus and Tarradale. and on 7 April. 10 renew the siege 1307. he and his supporters began a highly successful guerrilla of Elgin. campaign. It seems thallhey had only two real advantages: me fact Aberdeen. 'besieged by land and sea' in July 1308. may thal the English local commanders. goaded by an imte Edward I, have held out until Augusl. If so, Bruce himself musl by then have were obliged 10 'come and get them' so that the superior English relUrned 10 Argyll. where his campaign against the Macdougalls and forces could be met on ground of the insurgents' choosing, and the Iheir associates culminaled in the victory at the Pass of Brander and ground itself. the advantage of which mey had learned to exploit to the caplure of Dunstaffnage. By lheend of 1308. Banffwas the only the full. sltonghold north of the Mounth which was still in English hands. Even before the death of Edward I on 7 July at Burgh--on~ Sands. the forces ofoccupation in the south-west 'Were in difficulties. By September. Bruce was able to lurn to his enemies in the north. the Comyns of Buchan.the earl of Ross and the M3Cdougalls of Argyll. while leaving SirJames Douglas and others 10 contain and eventually dominate. the soulh·west. The castles of Inverlochy. Urquhan. Inverness and Nairn fell in rapid succession.lhough Ihe firsl allempl on Elgin. in November or December was repulsed: Bruce moved instead 10 Banff. before IUrning inland. The inconclusive enCOUnler al the Slioch between 25 and 31 December was presumably follov.ed soon aflerwards by Ihe roUI of the Comyns near In verurie and the subjection of Buchan. for by the spring of 1308 Bruce evidenlly fell Ihallhis area was secure and moved weslward again. this lime to take \ ~bo(I308) '-------.:f)~ ....J ~ us (M.,-Aprill308) 1c9 le '7' __:-.. Banff-Dundarg Nalm-"Elgin (May·' • \.... • (NO~305) • Ranray Tarradale '/ )307) • BalveJlig. (ab9ut Mar 1308),> --\~~tPril /' Inv/ess Sli~X .J ~_ • SI~S -. 6rq7ha (1307) I (25 ~. ~ _ 1i=Ellon / :/ 1307)~Barr~H;U(?JanOr23 : ~ Inverurie May 1308) / ~CoUII Aberdeen , (?Au (?17 AUQ ,/ ' 1308 1308) 'Inverlochy (?Oct·Nov 1307) • Cupar (1308) t~. -,c Cumbernauld _ (25 Sept 1307) X Paisley Forest ( 14 Sept 1307) '-Lr] ~ ailford X Loudoun Hill (about 10 May 1307 (17 Juo.!..---... • oOOglas' 1307))( ~ Ayr" . Cumnock (13 May 1307) ~ " TUmberry~ • s\anQUhar (8 May 1;ro7)./( GlenTt~1 X(17-30 , April 1307 Banles and skirmishes • Castles (with dates of capture) • Other places km. ----Bruce's supposed movements (September 1307 • May 1308) o 25 50 75 100 I (Conjectured sites are underlined) o 10 20 30 40 50 60 ....., Robert I's movements February 1307 to December 1308: guerrilla warfare JDG
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/97 Robert 1(1306-29) AI the stan of 1309, Bmcc and his supporters still faced formidable Scotland resumed without interruption. if we except the landing opposition, particularly in the south-east and the central belt. where made in Fife by shipmen of the Humber which was thrown back in Iheirenemies held the majorcaslles of Edinburgh. Stirling. Jedburgh. near-ludicrous circumstances at Auchtertool. and occasional skirthe 'Marche Mon!" of Roxburgh and Berwick. linked by a network mishes against local raiding parties, as at Skaithmuir and Lintalee. of lesser fortifications. lllc one notable weakness in the English The initiative had passed firmly into the hands of Ihe SCOIS. Long position was the difficulty of supplying and re-in forcing these before Berwick fell. they were conducting carefully planned raids garrisons; in this respect even the completely isolated Banff. which into the North of England. systematically levying blackmail. and couId (in theory at least) be supplied by sea, mayhave been in a rather had threatened the English hold on Man and Ireland. better situation than the seemingly unassailable Stirling. Bruce and his lieulenanls now applied themselves to the gradual reduction of these obstacles. with resuhs which were. by the standards of contemporary warfare. astonishing. Lacking sophisticated siege equipment. they employed more unorthodox methods. usually infiltration by night. the technique which disposedofPcnh, Roxburgh and Edinburgh. as it already had of Forfar. Apart from an abortive expedi tion in 1310-11. Edward 11 did liule to stop the progressive destruction of the English foothold in Scotland. until the major expedition of 1314 to relieve Stirling. At Bannockbum aconventional feudal army. relying on heavily-anned o cavalry as a shock weapon, confronted a Scouish force which was inferior in all respects except the morale of its troops and the tactical skill of its leaders, particularly demonstrated on this occasion by their intelligent use of ground. Thereafter. the gradual recovery of {)
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/98 Robert I (1306-29) The battle of Bannockburn (1314) occupied the greater part of two days, from the late afternoon of Sunday 23 June until the evening of Monday 24 June. There is no serious dispute about the location of the Sunday phase. The Scottish army was drawn up in four brigades at the perimeter of the 'New Park' which lay between the Bannock Burn and St. Ninians kirk. Robert I's brigade faced the oncoming English host at the 'entry', that iS,where the high road entered the Park, while the brigades ofthe earl of Moray (close to St Ninians), WaIter the Steward (in practice led by Sir James Douglas) and the king's brother Edward were stationed by the edge of the Park between the Borestone and Stirling. There were relatively small-scale but nonetheless vitally important initial clashes on the Sunday, first of all at the 'entry', then close to St Ninians, in both of which the English were repulsed with considerable loss. It is not in doubt that the English army then proceeded, largely during the short hours of darkness, to move north on to the 'carse', the low-lying boggy ground east of the Scottish position. Disagreement persists as to whether the main battle beginning early on the Monday morning, took place out on the carse or (as is suggested here) on the 'dryfleld' above the 50 -largely about the lOO foot -contour. It is certain that the conflict was chiefly between English cavalry, too tightly deployed, and Scottish foot, whose three leading brigades (the king's being kept in reserve) had room to manoeuvre and give support to one another. Once the horse were repulsed, the dismounted knights were pushed back against the mass of the English foot, as yet unengaged, and many were drowned in the Bannock Bum and the Forth. Edward n, however, having vainly tried to gain entry to Stirling castle, managed to escape to Dunbar and thence to E"~"d. /; Upper•Taylorton Height above 1/4 sea-level in feet ~-&) Suggested site of battle o, , ~' 24 June 1314 miles t;\ Suggested resting area of English V Horse night of 23-24 June 1314 ·:::::::::::~:o Approximate boundaries of :::::::::::: 200 King's Park and New Park HH:!:!:!!! The battle of Bannockburn 23-24 June 1314 GWSB 98
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/99 Robert I (1306-29) Edward II conducted only four major campaigns in Scotland. In 1307, he attempted a brief campaign with the army gathered by his father Edward I before his death in July of that year. In 1310, he crossed the border with a large force, but only reached Linlithgow before retreating to winter at Berwick. Gaveston was sent north to Perth and Dundee, to try to bring Scotland north of the Forth under English sway. Further operations were carried out in the east march area through the winter and in the fIrst half of 1311. In 1314 his largest campaign ended in disaster at Bannockbum, and his last attempt, in 1322, almost ended in the same way when, forced to retreat because of starvation, the English forcer was followed south by the Scots and routed at Byland in Yorkshire. On other occasions Key ·1307 /\ ---September 1310 -August 1311 ------Gaveston, 1311 (e.g. autumn 1319) Edward II did enter Scotland, but only with these four campaigns did he penetrate further than the border area, or pose any real threat to Scottish security. The campaigns were limited in scope and effectiveness. Generally, restricted to areas in which the English still held strongholds, with easy communications southwards, none of the campaigns broke new ground. Their very limited number and lack of success is indicative of the inadequacy of the support for the English forces resident in Scotland for much of Edward II's reign. The inability of Edward II to exert pressure on the Scots from south of the border was undoubtedly a major factor in the success of Robert I in re-asserting Scottish independent. Dundee Carlisle Edward 11 in Scotland 1307, 1310 and 1311 Stirling (24 June 1314) \ ....~. Edward 11 in Scotland 1314 Edward 11 in Scotland 1322 NHR
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/100 Robert I (1306-29) In 1315 Edward Bruce landed at Lame. With him was a substantial force and many important Scottish magnates. After overcoming local opposition, Bruce gained the mastery of much of the earldom of Ulster~nd began an invasion of English lands further south. Dundalk was sacked, as were Louth and Ardee. Bruce made a tactical retreat northwards, drawing the earl of Ulster after him and completely routing him at the battle of Connor. The campaign is shown in the first map. In a few short months Bruce and his army had exposed the weakness ofthe Dublin government and the inability of the local magnates to contain him successfully. But he had also seen that in a famine-stricken land he must be careful not to stretch his lines of communication too far until he was sure of widespread Gaelic support and was reinforced from Scotland. When extra men arrived from Scotland, he tried again. This time Bruce moved through Meath, defeating Roger Mortimer, lord of Wigmore, and ravaging his lordship. He blazed a trail of destruction as far west as Granard in Longford, before turning to plunder Leinster. After looting as far south as Castledermot, he finally faced a royal army at the mote of Ardscull, not far from Athy. This was a formidable army, commanded by the justiciar, Edmund Butler but was scattered by Bruce. There appears to have been serious quarrelling among the Anglo-lrish and soon afterwards the great magnates ofLeinster and Munster solemnly issued a public declaration to defend the English king's rights and, so far as lay in their power, to destroy his enemies the Scots (1316). By then Bruce was moving northwards again, driven by famine to seek his base in Ulster. But once again he left a path of destruction behind him in Kildare and Westneath. Edward Bruce was inaugurated High King of Ireland and began to consolidate his grip on Ulster, dispensing justice and possibly even holding a parliament. By now many Gaelic lords had taken his side or, more commonly, had used the disturbed condition which he had created to assert their independence. Even some ofthe Anglo-lrish of Ulster had accepted what seemed to them inevitable. The Dublin government was in a perilous state, almost bankrupt and suspicious of the attitude of many of the magnates. The terrible famine and the ravages ofthe Scots (supplemented by the destruction caused by the Anglo-lrish armies) had left many parts of Ireland in a desperate condition. When Carrickfergus Castle fell in 1316, after a year's siege, it seemed to signify the inevitable triumph for the Scots. The second map covers this part of the campaign. By this time the Scots had control of the sea and King Robert joined his brother. The king brought much needed reinforcements. His presence escalated the war on to a new plane and presented the Dublin government with the gravest of perils. In 1317, most of the Scots left Ulster and, to the consternation of everybody, suddenly appeared in Meath. Their arrival atCastleknock on the outskirts of the city caused panic in Dublin. The citizens threw the earl of Ulster into prison, blaming him for not opposing the Scots. Hurriedly the city defences were repaired and part of the suburbs was fired to deprive the Scots of cover in approaching the walls. But the Bruces moved on, probably realising (especially after the experience at Carrickfergus) that a siege would be a long and expensive business. Itis clear too that th·eir main purpose was to join up with the O'Briens of Thomond. Once again no opportunity of wasting the lordship was lost; even churches and religious houses were plundered. By a slow progress through Kildare, Carlow, Kilkenny and Tipperary, the Scots were able to devastate the lands and manors of many of the greatest Anglo-lrish lords. When they reached the Shannon at Castleconnel, Donough O'Brien, who had invited them, had been ousted by his rival Murtough O'Brien and all hope of a great Gaelic uprising in Munster had been dashed. These events are shown in the third map. Gaelic Connacht had been important since the defeat ofthe O'Conners at the battle of Athenry in 1316, and bitter experience had shown that there was no hope of worthwhile support from Gaelic Leinster. To make matters worse for the Scots, Roger Mortimerhadjust been appointed lieutenant ofIreland, and England was at last providing resources to help defeat Bruce. Famine too was taking its toll. It was time to retreat to Ulster, and it was a tired and hungry army which arrived there. A turning point had been reached; and the king went home to Scotland. The conquest of Ireland by the Scots was now out of the question: and when Edward Bruce foolishly moved out of Ulster again in 1318, he was defeated and killed at Fochart, just north of Dundalk. The fourth map covers this last period. 100
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/101 Robert 1 (1306-29) :'-p .~ , ", : ~~onno Larne Six Mile Water Val eye --_ Mounthill ... ULSTER (D~na ULSTER rye:'~rri~\gUS \ , ~'" MEATH , ' LEINSTER MUNSTER MUNSTER 26 May to IQ September 1315 13 November 1315 to 20 (?) September 1316 ULSTER ULSTER rr7 ~~~ , , :'! lA~ , , , , ,',' Slane/ CONNACHT : 'Skreen CONNACHT Trim'\.. '-Ratoath MEATH \ '\ -( MEATH Leixllp rCastleknock cl Kildar~~ \ \ f .~..' ............. /\jas:::ermot \ W1C((# .:~ ~..~enagh LEINSTER LEINSTER CastlecOrnell Gowra~?, Callan~ t;l Cashell...:---Kells ~
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/102 Robert 1(1306-29) From 1311 onwards, the majority of Bruce's military efforts took and more than twenty subsequent invasions took place before a fiplace on English soil. There are, of course, exceptions: the Irish nal peace was made in 1328. The area of greatest devastation was campaigns, which are treated separately; the campaign against Man the north, but as the maps show, the incursions covered a good deal in 1314 and again (under the Earl of Moray) in 1317; the defence of of England as far south as York. Almost annually, large amounts of Scotland, most notably in 1314; and ofcourse, the continued piecetribute were raised in return for promises of local truce, and rumeal reduction of English-held castles in southern Scotland. mours spread that Bruce intended to annexe the northern Nonetheless, the fact remains that the bulk of the later camcounties.This may have been the case, but it seems more likely that paigns by or on behalf of Robert I were offensive, on English soil. his primary aim was to pressurise the English king to negoti~te recThe king led an army across the border for the first time in 1311, ognition of Bruce's royal status, and an end to the war. The timing of the raids, often immediately before or after negotiations for truce or peace, adds weight to this interpretation. The eastern routes into England were erwick upon Tweed most frequently used, but the western march was Norham ..... also subject to regular incursion. The most far .)I ~. reaching raids tended to enter England by the Wark On Tweet Stanhope eastern march, and return westwards. The maps are an attempt to represent 'typical' routes, the campaigns being too frequent and the evidence Alnwick. too patchy to allow for individual raids to be accurately shown. Not all of the excursions, of course, went so far south and some were merely ( quick raiding parties. Nonetheless, the serious I effects of Bruce's latter campaigns on the po • Mitford / litical stability of England should not be underestimated. WEAR DALE • Darlington • Northallerton .Syland Soroughbridge ·.Mytton Ripon Knaresborough .York • Robert I's later campaigns: eastern routes I Lanercost .Gilsland Corbridge • Newcastle • Haltwhistle Hexham __------~~Stanhope • Appleby kms 0 25, 50 ,, 75, , 100 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Robert I's later campaigns: western routes NHR 102
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/103 Robert 1(1306-29) The map tries to show something of the political significance of the gains made by Robert I's chief supporters during the Wars of Independence. Since, however, it is very difficult to determine the exact boundaries of the lands involved, they are simply indicated by conventional symbols, the size of which roughly corresponds to the extent and importance of the lands. The greatest changes came in the Borders, where there was almost an obligation to hand over lands recovered from the English to the men who had recovered them. The map shows the lands acquired by the two Douglas brothers, James and Archibald, and by Thomas Randolph, whose families had held only a modest inheritance on the eve of the wars. Most of the lands shown were gains. The map also shows the lands of the Steward family; but their lands in Renfrewshire, Ayrshire, Bute and Kintyre had been held for generations and their gains were very small. (;> ~Sir lames Douglas • Sir Archibald Douglas @ Sir Thomas Randolph ~ Robert Steward of Scotland ® Renfrewshire oAyrshire @Bute ® Kintyre In 1329, there was a kind of equilibrium among these four families; but the descent of the lands, sometimes contrived, sometimes accidental, changed the situation profoundly. In 1371, the Stewards became kings, merging their lands in practice with those ofthe crown. In 1354, the lands ofthe two Douglas branches merged; and these were joined in 1388 by the lordship of Galloway, creating a predominant Douglas power in the Borders. Meantime, the Randolph inheritance had passed to the earls of March, producing as the map might suggest, a rivalry between Douglas and March which was resolved by the exile of George, earl of March in 1400, leaving the Douglas power in the Borders unchallenged until it was destroyed by the crown in the 1450s. Thus the power struggles of the next ISO years flowed in great measure from the landed settlement established by Robert 1. The size of each symbol gives an approximate measure of the extent and importance of the lands kms @Galloway 0 25 50 7;; 100 I i i i i Lands of Robert I's chief supporters 0 10 , 20 30 40 50 60 BW miles 103
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/104 Anglo-Scottish relations 1329 to 1422 The death of Robert I left his kingdom weakened by the accession of his infant son David 11 (b. 1324) and the successive deaths of James Douglas
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/105 Anglo-Scotti h , s relatio Thes"uationwhiche ns 1329 to 1422 and was unca ") pnce ofEdward' nsued is represenled . fonnal admin~: y a~cepted in most of himselfh .",,,on in .he na .he lowlands I English sheriffs s suppon. ceded much fthln this map. Ball io1 f on Berw' were establish ,0 e south of ,as.he held for h~~otakfe ~fugein Franc:ebo David 11 ce~d~e~hms ~at reali. ock, Ba11iol claimed ed, crea.mgan admin' Sco.land. and .0 wh,ch.h . uta number f . e kmg e most irnponant 0 castles were sti ll are shown . y was heavily support d '0 rule .he rest of.h >stnt"on centred e by English gamsonsCacounl.ry. but in I many castles. .. lochindorb .U7caSlle ~Kildrummy ~CUlblean~H",iII~___ Dunnottar Castle Kinneff laurislon Castle E~uchars .. SI Andrews • Castles h Id .. Castles h:ld for David 11 ;:"Cf.~r~~lacesfor Balliol or Edward 111 100 ~-70~~:-_~ 50E....--,.-~ nomInally ceded b y Balhol to Edw 0 25 kms 50 60 o Enghsh h ,,,," Land 5 ernffdoms David U E ard 0 I I " 75 , dward Ball' I 10 20 SW 10 and Ed 30 40 ward III about 1336 miles I 105
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/106 Anglo-Scottish relations 1329 to 1422 In 1335. David Il 's supponers won an imponant victory over David position had impro\ed: the Engli !.h sheriffdoms no longer funcofStrathbogic.earlofAtholl. whowa... killed at the bauleofCulblean tioned: English garrisons were reduced to Stirling and Edinburgh while allempting 10 besiege Kildrummy. Several English expediand several sites in the Borders: and a number ofburghs in the northtions failed 10 consolidate Balliol's position. and the outbreak of the east rendered account at a !>es!>ion of the Scottish Exchequer held in Hundred Years' War distracted Edward: \0 that by 1340. David's April 1340. The Scottish admini ..tration was beginning 10 recover. Roxbu~~h \ o Jedburgh : ... ) ......... .. ,/ Lochmaben ........ ' // r • Castles in the hands of supporters of David 11 kms [] Cas11es held for Edward III 0 25 50 75 100 , , ,0 ~I__~~o~__+-~__ ~ ,, ~__ • Burghs renderir"!g account at the Scottish 0 10 20 Exchequer, Apnr1340 30 40 50 60 miles David 11. Edward 8alliol and Edward III about 1340 106
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/107 Anglo-Scottish relations 1329 to 1422 In 1341. David returned from France: and by 1343 nonnalilY wa~ fomlally resigned it into the hands of Edward Ill: but his pretensions almost restored. The only English garri oron!. still holding Qut were al were hardly laken seriously. David's capture in 134631 the Battle of Lochmaben. Jedburgh and Berwick: in the rest of the country. Ne vil1c's Cross re-awakened Edward 's hopes of some sort of suDavid's administration was recognised and seems to have funcpremacy. bUllhe notion of Edward Balliol as a possible king ofScols tioned efficienlly. Balliol maintained his claim till 1356. when he -.ecms soon 10 have been abandoned. ~C"iI Dumbarton '='''
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/108 Anglo-Scottish relations 1329 to 1422 Whena truce ended in 1384, the English forces were dislodged easily Richard II.the french withdrew from Scotland. There were invasions from Annandale and Tevioldale. and the French became directly of Cumberland and Northumberland (1388): the invasion of involved in accordance with me agreement of 1381 Robert 11 ( 1371-Northumberland was defeated at Ollerburn. and Scotland 90) an
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/109 Anglo-Scottish relations 1329 to 1422 The earl of March's defection to England in 1400 led 10 his raid inlo retaliatory raid was defeated al Humbleton Hill, but the fall of the Lothian. Henry IV's expedition and a Sconish raid defeated al Percies and the caplUre of Prince James ended this phase of AngloReseswyre were followed by inconclusive negotiations at Kirk Sconish warfare. the main Scottish concerns were directed to aid to Yetholm in 1401. In 1402 March won a victory at Nesbit Muir. A France and recovery of their pri soners. .r--..., ailes Innerw'ck Edinburgh . _ . ~ _ y,9;Ii=!Wumspath Park Hackfing,on ~ . 'F~t Castle / Nesbit MUi~" Cocklaw ~ Berwick upon Tweed East March ~;/:~:~i~~ , \l /;"i !o
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/110 James 11 (1437-60) The deaths of James I in 1437 and Archibald. fifth carl of Douglas. lieutenanl general. in 1439 left a power vacuum which allowed two baronial families. the Crichlons and the LivingslOns. to rise into prominence. Sir Alexander Livingston was given the keeping of the young James 11 after the removal of hi!> mother in 1439. AI varioul> limes in the I+4Os.the family held the offices ofjusliciar. chamberlain. complfoller. warden of the mint at Slirling and custumar of Linlithgowa. marriage. three of the Livingstons were imprisoned in Black.nesscastle: in 1450. the family was forfeited by a parliament at Edinburgh and Robcn Livingslon. cuslUmar of Linlithgow was executed. The Dundas family. who were related tothe Livingstons by marriage. 'ihared in their fall and Dundas castle was held against the king for several week!l. The chief beneficiaries of the fall of the lands forfeited by the • livingston faction 1 Calyn 2 Kilsylh 3 Ogilface 4 Echline 5 Culter • castles [j] held by the livingston faction @ castles held by the Crichtons o slle doubtful Living!>lon'i were the earl.. of Dougla!lo and Crawford and the new queen. Mary of Guelders. James Livingslon. who had been keeper oflhe person ofthe young king during his minority. escaped 10 his son-in-law. John. lord oflhe boles who in 1451 seized Rulh\en ca!lolle. Inverness castle and possibly Urquhart ca!>lle were given to Living ..ton. Bis keepership was recognised by James 11. In addition. by 1454. Livingston had been restored to royal f3\Our. • Ruthven / / o 25 75 100 o 10 20 30 40 50 60 m", Crawford dominant family The Livingstons 1449 to 1452 CAM 110
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/111 james II (1437-60) In the space of a few years, James 11 removed from the political scene many men who had been responsible for the government of the realm during hi~ minority. First 10 go were the Livingstons. in 1449-50: James himself struck the first blow in the murder of the eighth earl of Douglas in 1452 and in 1455 after Arkinholm the Black Douglases effecti ..ely disappeared. although the ninth earl lived mainly in England until 1491. One of the most significant fealUres of this period is that an army lacking the king's presence won the final conflic!. Three years before. the earl of Huotly, claiming 10 bear the king's banner and be hi!. lieutenant. had seen off the earl of Crawford at Brechin. It is probable the king feared a repeti tion of the events of 1437; his people were anxious 10 pre\'cOl any lasting threat to the stability of the realm. The maps (based on those provided for the first atlas) show the tcrritorial possessions of the Black Douglascs and their allie~: Douglas Lands ~) Hugh Dougla." I_V I -Earldom of OmlOnd c:J)"'V (lands of Ardmcanach) An:hibald Douglas 2 Earldom of Moray John Douglas 3 Lordship of Bahenie Ea.... or Douglas 4 Aberdour 5 Abcrcom and Earldom of Avondale 6 Bolton 7 Bothwell 8 Glenholm 9 Lauderdale 10 Stewarton and Dunlop I I Earldom of Douglas J2 Culler and Crawfordjohn 13 Trabboch 14 Forests of Ettrid.: and Selkirk 15 Sprouston and Browndean [6 E!.kdaJe J7 Ea.\( Galloway 18 Wcst Galloway and Earldom of Wigtown 19 ShcrifTship of Lanark 20 Custody of West and Middle Marches Lumls ur Douglas Allies MacDonald A Earldom of Ross MacDona ld B Lordship of the Isles Lindsay C Earldom of Crawford Hamilton D Lordship of Hamilton o Lands of the Black Douglases and indicate the areas where the king found support in the 1450s. The reign of James I had seen great changes in the higher nobility which meant the earls of Douglas had no peers in tenns of possession of property. This allowed previous historians to see the earls as archetypal over-mighty magnates. yet the earls held public offices. and no-one is known to have petitioned for their removal. Certainly. there was tension between the Crown and the Douglases. e.g. over the right the eighth earl had to the lands of his mother; and his bond wi th the earl of Crawford and the Lord of the Isles was also comcnliou ... : hho refusal to break il seems 10 have precipitated his murder. bUl none of this was likely to produce a Scouish War of the Roses. Indeed. although it cannot be quantified. more people 'Were probably killed in the variou)' outbreaks of plague during the reign than in any of the armed encounters. D Lands of allies of the Black Douglases km, Since the exact boundaries of the tiets are uncertain, they are o 25 50 75 100 represented by symbols whose size is relative to the conjecI tural Importance of the lands. o 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles The lands of the Black Douglas .. and lheir allies aboul 1452 AB III
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/112 james II (1437-60) SINCLA IR '\~~7RD ~Brechin 11452) BISHOP c KENNED (1455) / r Carron Inveravon . BISHOP>< -i@"AtieroornANGUS ~ X ~7~~~;PtURNBULL ~ 145 )Bu,le '(i) Bothwell /~ " Cumbrae ,,=\HAMILTON /V0. ~O I (1452) 'i'Slrathaven ("'1 \C\\ rr~= ~ > ~(.I> \l 't:J r.i\ Douglas /'v" Brodick ~ ti\Craig Douglas (1452 'Y' / X Aril:inholm (1455) HUNTL Y supporters 01 James 11 MORA Y supporters of Black Douglas Royalist castles "," @ Douglas castles o 25 50 75 100 I o armed encounters, with date o 10 20 30 40 50 60 mm The civil wars 1450 to 1455 AB 11 2
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/113 lames 11 (1437-60) In the parliament of August 1455, it. was enacted that certain lordships and castles be annexed perpetually to the Crown. No gifts of these lands could be made without the consent of parliament; if they were made, the monarch could at any time resume them into his own hands without compensation. Many of the lands so annexed had been held by the Douglases, whose recent forfeiture had brought much land into Crown hands. It would thus be possible to see this as parliament instructing the king to retain these lands perhaps to avoid the need for taxation in the future to pay for the Crown's ImmnlLordships DEarldoms • Castles and houses o Baronies + Lands • Other rights expenses. But this did not stop the Crown obtaining contributions, e.g. for the expenses of ambassadors, presuming the Aberdeen burgh records give a fair indication of what may have been a general occurrence. The whole customs as in the hands of James I on the day he died were also annexed: it has been estimated that this act gave the Crown an annual endowment of £6,050. The Act was to form part of the monarch's coronation oath, and indeed we find it referred to in subsequent reigns when revocations were announced. kms 0 25, 50 7,5 100 I ,, , , 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles The act of annexation 1455 AB 113
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/114 Scotland and Europe The marriages included in these maps are those of the Scottish monarchs, their siblings and their children. The dates used are the regnal dates: thus IGng John's marriage to Isabella de Warenne (x 1281) is included in the second map. Royal bastards are included, though they seem more important politically in the period 1107 to 1286 (map one) rather than later. Second and subsequent marriages are also included. The fust map shows how limited was the scope of royal marriages from 1107 to 1286, England being the main source; even the appearance of France is somewhat misleading, since the two brides -Ermengarde de Beaumont and Yolande de Dreux -were daughters of vassals of the English king. Apart from Norway, which comes in only at the end of the period (marriage of Alexander lU's daughter Margaret to Eric n of Norway), choice is confined to the seaboard of northern Europe. The second map shows even greater limitations: Scotland seems largely to have been turned in on itself. Some of this may be explained partly by the fact that John, Robert I and Robert II were not born heirs to the crown, partly by the marriages of Robert lI's numerous children, and partly by those who married two, three or four times. The wider spread ofconnections shown in the third map is largely the result of the ambitious diplomacy of James n. For Scottish monarchs after 1460 France and Denmark became more important as sources of consorts. DENMARK Kingdom BRITTANY Province (Dreux) Other places (2) Number of marriages into royal family where more than one Number of marriages into baronial family (11) where more than one Two of these daughters were vassals of the king of England " Royal marriages 1292 to 1406 FRANCE (3)* Royal marriages 1107 to 1286 DENMARK (2~ AUSTRIA FRANCE (3) (2) Royal marriages 1406 to 1603 NFS 114
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/115 Scotland and Europe As the English conquest of northern France proceeded from mid1417 onwards, the Dauphin Charles sought the help offoreign troops to resist the invader. Sir John Stewart of Darnley was among the first Scots mercenaries to enter his service in October 1418. Large contingents of an army sent officially by the governor and the estates of Scotland followed from the end of 1419, using La Rochelle as the port ofentry, led by John, earl of Buchan and Archibald, earl of Wig town. Wigtown was replaced by his father the fourth earl of Douglas in 1424. The Scottish component of the Dauphin's forces in the early 1420s may have at times comprised as many as 6000 men. The places on the map are those where Scottish troops are known to have been stationed or to have taken part in operations against the English and their Burgundian supporters between 1418 and the capture of Joan of Arc in 1430. (A few individual Scots also accompanied the Dauphin on his journey to Toulouse and Carcassonne in the south ofthe country in the early months of 1420.) The major engagements in which they took part (underlined on the map) were at Fresnay on 3 March 1420, Bauge on 22 March 1421, Cravant on 31 July 1423, Verneuil on 17 August 1424, Rouvrey +Derval Vallet ('the battle of the herrings') on 12 February 1429 and Patay on 18 June 1429. Some were present at the coronation of the Dauphin as King Charles VII at Rheims on 16 July 1429. Scottish leaders were awarded with grants of castles and lands from the French royal domain, since the Dauphin had notoriously little cash athis disposal. Such grants are marked in italic type on the map. It is hard to know how effective they were, for there were often other claimants with conflicting rights. The earl of Douglas certainly held the duchy of Touraine for four months in 1424 before he was killed at Verneuil; but his heirs had no success in retaining these French lands. Wigtown was granted the county ofLongueville in 1421, and Stewart ofDamley the county ofEvreux in 1427. Both areas were under English control, and neither man ever took possession. The county of Saintonge was promised to King James I in 1428 as part of an agreement over further military help from Scotland: but the grant was not effective, for with the advent of Joan of Arc in 1429, the tide of war moved quickly in favour of King Charles and soon a large Scottish contingent in his army was no longer needed or welcome. Only a small Scots Guard was retained thereafter. Reim;T ~ontargis Auxerre Mehun +. +st Algnan vtSf Martm d'Auxigny +Melay Loches CIiSSO# + Bourges ~evers Thouars+ + Chafillon Issoudun + Dun-le-rot Monfreuil-Bonnin Fontenay-Ie-Comte + Niort+ The Scots in France in the 1420s DERW 115
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/117 Events from 1460 to 1707 Major feuds in late medieval Scotland The mapillustratessomeofthc major baronial feuds in later fifteenth May 1488 10 October 1489. In addition the map identifies the century Scotland. The last two decades of the fiftccnlh cenlUry saw location of full scale confrontations between individual baronial a number of inlense local and regional feuds which contributed to. families. such as the clash in Edinburgh between Lord Lyle and and were exacerbated or initiated by. the national crises ofJames Ill's James, earl of Buchan during 1487. 1l1e political sclllement of 1488. reign, panicularly the contest between the king and his son and heir. after James IV's accession 10 power. saw the wholesale removal of Prince James, for political control of the Kingdom during 1488. In James III adherents from local office and gave rise 10 a series offeuds many ways, the battle of Sauchiebum was the culmination not only between members ofthe new regime and the men they had displaced of the connict between the king and his son but also of a number of al the local level. The most remarkable example of this type of regional power struggles. Much of the political violence of 1488 -9 dispute was the sustained campaign mounted by the Cunningham resuhed from these pre-existing local tensions with the forces kindred against Hugh. Lord Montgomery's exercise of the office of adhering to both the prince and the King reOecting these local bailie of Cunningham after 1488, which accounts for the series of divisions. confrontations between the two families in Irvine. Where details of The map shows major pitched battles. including the four any large scale confronlation are unclear or unrecorded the feud is battles (Blackness. Sauchiebum, Dunkeld, Ganloaning) which took simply numbered and the protagonists named. place between 'royal' and 'rebel' forces in the fifteen months from 17. Lord OliphantlLord Drummond Lislor reuds 18. Lord AeminglLord Kennedy I. Earl of Huntly -Rose of KilravocklMacKenzies of Kintail 19. Earl of Lennox. Lord Lylc/Lord Sempill 2. Clan ChattanlHugh Lord Fraser of Loval 20. Burgh of Renfrewlburgh of Paisley 3. Clan ChallanfDunbars of West field 21. Lord FleminglLord Hamilton 4. Clan ChauanlSeton of Touchfraser 22. Lord Fleming/Laird of Kincaid 5. Earl of HUnllylLord of the Isles 23. Earl of LennoxlLord Hamilton 6. Earl of BuchanlGordon of Longer 24. Lord BonhwicklLord Crichton 7. Earl of Erroll!Lord Gordon 25. Kers of CessfordlMurrays of Touchadam 8. Earl of CaithnesslKeith of In vcrugie 26. Lord Crichton of Sanquhar/Douglas of Drumlanrig 9. Lord GordonIForbes of Skene 27. Lord CarlislelMurray of Cock pool 10. Earl of CrawfordlLindsay of Edull 28 Lord MaxwelVDouglas of Drumlanrig 11. Master of CrawfordlAlexander Lindsay of Auchtcnnonzie ~ 12. Lord Glamis/Master of Crawford Blair-na-Parc (1490) Earl of BuchanlEarl of Erroll fv\"'.1 13. 14. Lord Oliphant/Lord Ruthven ~ 15. Lord DrummondlLord Gray -2 16. Lord DrummondlBuchanan of that ilk 10. 0Unkeld (148819) 0X • ." 14 12 Monzlevaird (1490) _ 1a. ;::?:.) & & '491) perth;J15--16 -17 Gartioaning (1489) o 0 Sa~(1488) ~ _ 18 h7\Blackn~ss-(1488)~ 19-. 21 ~ ... Edinburgh (1487) 20 .. _22 _ 23 24 .. K1lmamock (1484-7) . 25 26~ ~ X loch?aben (1484) 28 8~aw (1486) Major banles, with dates & Baronial confrontations, with dates kms 0 25 50 75 lOO • I feuds 0 10 20 30 .. 50 60 ""'" Feuds, battles and baronial confrontations 1480 to 1500 117
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/118 Anglo-Scottish relations 1460 to 1465 The early 146(h saw the York-Lancaster ~Iruggle in England al its Lancastrians. But in her absence. Mary of Gueldres had already height. and English governmental '>'-cakness gave the Scots their entered into negotiations with Yorkist Warwid. 'the Kingmal..er' at best chance 10 recover their remaining border stronghold.. Dumfries. This pragmatic policy of playing off York and Lanca~ter Roxburgh and Berwick -still in English hands. James 11 wa)o killed ensured the retention of Scotland'.. border conquests: fnmraled the at the siege of Roxburgh (3 August 1460). but the siege W~ ullitreaty of 'Westminster-Ardtornish' of February 1462, whereby the mately successful. and the gm'cmmenl of James's eight-year old '\On Black Douglas 'fifth column' attempted to reco\ cr power in Scotland fell into the capable hands of his widow. Mary ofGucJdres. Inilially with the tlelp of the earl of Ross and Edward IV. and prevented 100 she favoured an alliance with the deposed Lancastrian king Henry VI. heavy a Scottish reliance on the Franco-Lancastrian axis. rapidly and his queen. Margarct of Anjou. who ceded Berwick 10 the Scol~ abandoned by the cynical Louis XI in 1463. Mary ofGueldres died in April 1461. The Lancastrian king and queen remained in Scotland on I December 1463: but her 'iuccessor at the head of government. a full year. dividing their lime between Linlithgow and the Dominiher arch·rival Bishop James Kcnnedy of SI. Andrews. a Lancastrian can convent in Edinburgh. Margarct of Anjou sailed from by conviction. who had forced her into conducting an abortivc siege Kirkcudbright to Brittany in April to plead her cau~e with Loui .. XI of Norham castle in the summer of 1463. was constrained by of France and on her return in the autumn succeeded in capturing the circum~tancesto follow her policie!>. Following the banles ofHedgcley northern castles of Alnwick, Bamburgh, and Dunslanburgh for the Moor and Hexham (April. May 14(4). the Yorkist triumph in England wascomplctc. lnJunc 1464 the Scot .. ncgOliatcd the fifleen· year truce of York with Edward IV: and this was ..pcctacularly extended-by a further 40 years· at Ncwcavi'''' c-.-'./ '~ Margaret of AnJOU and Prince Edward 10 Slu s July 1463 ...., Hedgeley Moor .,. %./: ) ""',,+ ....... /'''''~ ./ \'q:". .... " .' '.,1(,1-" Uncluden ...... '""" ... , ByweU Hexham x~NewcaStle ~Car1isle :~tagu'fT ne : May, 1464 Henry VI's Hight after Hexham (May 1464) 6. Negotiations, truces etc. x Battles Margaret of Anjou " • Caslles to Brittany, \.. Henry VI captured in, : o Other places April 1462 Lancashire 13 July : • Sieges 1465 ,:. kms AlDm Places in Lancastrian hands o 25 50 75 100 .... _ _ Route taken by Margaret of Anjou and Henry I ' 0 00 0 VI, Oct 1462 o 10 20 30 40 50 60 ...... ...-_.-Route taken by Henry VI , 1464-5 miles Route taken by other participants NATM Scotland and the civil wars in England 1460 to 1465 118
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/119 The crises of 1482 and 1488 An English an11y. numbering about 20.000 men. entered Scotland latc in July 1482. having fin-I obtained the surrender of Berwick lown. lis commanders were Richard. duke of Gloucester. and James IIl"s brother. Alexander. duke of Albany. styling him!.clf . Alexander R'. Scolli"h resistance. apart from the ho
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/120 The crises of1482 and 1488 The background to 1488 la)' in James Ill's detennination to coerce promise to send commissioners to talks (ankles sometimes wrongly the Humes over the revenues of the priory of Coldingham described as the 'Pacification of Blackness'), and came south with (October 1487-January 1488) and lheaggressive stance he adopted reduced support. There was a skinnish al Blackness (mid· May), in the parliament of January 1488. The major difference between followed by a giving of hostages by the king, a brief return to the crises of J 482 and 1488 was the presence throughout the laner Edinburgh, and the final campaign In and around Stirling in early ofthe 15-year-oldJames. duke ofRolhesay. heir to the throne. on the June. hOles III had short-lived success in a skirmish al Stirling rebel side (from 2 February), His consistent defiance of his father Bridge, but was defeated and ltilled al Sauchiebum near Bannockburn over the four months ofthe crisis forced James I11 on 10 the defensive (11 June), in spite of his effons 10 emulate Robert Bruce by bringing throughout. llle map shows the principal areas of conflict and thehero-king'ssword 10 the field. James 1II'sonly really committed confrontation in the period March-June. Around 24 March James supporter, Ale)(ander, master of Hunt1y, who had recei ved rewards, I11 left Edinburgh -with lhe southeast and Dunbar in rebel hands it including royal treasure, from the king (and the burgh farms of had become too dangerous 10 SI3Y -and crossed to Fife from Leith. Inverness for 19 years) fought an inconclusive battle on the king's subsequenlly moving north to Aberdeen (April). Here he negOliated behalf at Dunkeld. But it was too late; as early as 12 June Rothesay at long distance with the rebels. but ullimalely broke his written .....?-... '-b Angus '----......./ • Invemess) I Master,of Huntly f: / '-,. ~,Earland , ountessOf' Atholf , Jf, ~ x-.,9unkeld Abbot of Arbroath Stirling \ Sauchiebum ~ I." (Ah I SSI . • ' ___)j.. • Leith (1 unbar Linlithgow .. :..c___ ...~ (2) ~EdinbU,gh ......... •x Battles or skirmishes Places on route «---Route taken by James III and his supporters, March·June 1488 Route taken by rebels, March-June 1488 (1) Archibald earl of Angus kms (2) Patrick Hepburn, lord Hailes, 100 0 25 50 75 (3) the Humes t ,, , , ,, A/an of Recipients of royal treasure 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 The Avery miles The crisis of 1488 NATM 120
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/121 Anglo-Scottish relations: James IV and Governor Albany In the 14th century Scollish annics penetrated deep inlO England, bumingand looting as widely as possible ~ but avoiding strongho lds and moving rapidly 10 avoid English forces. With the development of effective siege Restalrig guns a different ~trategy could be adopted. and was by lames IV and after him by Governor Alban)'. Facing the SCOlS across their southern border was no fortification which. when effectively attacked. could be expected to hold out longer than a few days. With sufficienl manpower (0 blockade the chosen strongpoint and prevent relief from the neighbouring castles the Scots would hope 10 cap ture and demolish their objective and withdraw before a relief army arrived on the scene. If Ihis all look place In late summer or autumn the lateness ,..' of the year might deter the English from doing too much damage in Scotland in revenge. While Berwick was not actuallyanacked at this time the ~uccessful reduction of English 'iitronghoJds in the East Marches would have the effect of isolating it ...... and it can hard ly be doublCd that its ~Known route of the Scottish army ultimate recovery was a major for- Probable route of the Scottish army eign policy objective ofJames IV and -Border Albany. • P~ces on route o Other places Thi s strategy only o English towers destroyed by the Scots achieved any significant success in 1496 when Heaton Castle and several other lesser towcrhouses in the East Campaign of James IV 1496 Marches were destroyed and the host had time to withdraw before the arrival of the English army of relief. Scottish invasion forces ever, giving James ample time to reduce Owing to the time it took to get the artillery 10 the Border and the Norham and leading him on to the battlc which the strategy was e)(cellent quality ofTudor intelligence-gathering the Scots only had surely designed to avoid. Albany could only pursue Ihi, strategy four days to ply their guns against Healon. in 1523 thanks to substantial French aid in the fonn of merccnary In the campaign of 1497 Norham was subjected 10 a troops and money payments to the nobles but had only two days to bombardment of similar length but could not be captured. In 1513 bombard Wark, without success. His failure and the Ia.qing the English were surprisingly slow to react to one of the strongest impression of Aodden discredited this slrategy for good. Argyll and men of WHighlands Dumbarton Artillery from France
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/122 James v (1513-42) James V sel Qui from Kirk.caldyon I September 15361osaillo France seven ships carrying (j"c hundred men for prOlcclion sailed down the 10 marry Mary of Bourbon. daughter of the duke of Vendome. The English east coast. offwhich the last Scots king to travel o\"e~ashad marriage contract was confinned on 29 March 1536 and was nol been kidnapped. They arrived at Dieppe on 10 September where "'welcomed by Henry VIII. A discreet attempt 10 reach France by Jamesdisembarked and travelled in disguise 10 St Quentin to inspect sailing around the nonh ofScotland had been abandoned al Whithorn his bride-ta-be. He did not like the 1001.. of her and headed ~uth to in August after a storm scattered the Scots fleet. For this second trip meet with Francis I. In the Loire valley James negotiated marriage with Francis' daughter Madeleine and the contract was drawn up in 810is on 26 November. Afler both kings had visited Fontainebleau. James retI red to Cluny abbey. On I January 1537 he was married to Madeleine at NOIre Dame 10 Paris. The return tOI ( >..BerwOCk (119) Scotland was delayed by her ill-health. At Rouen.~ I headquarters for the Scots. James issued his act of DENMARK revocation (3 March.) He returned with a French ~ escort to a peaceful Scotland on 19 May after stopping \':Tynemoulh (17/5) to buy fresh meat at Tynemouth. Madeleine died on 7 .... July at Holyrood. _/ ........... James spent £82.000 on his marriages. a HOLSTEIN huge part ofthis in Paris New Year gifts for his French hosts, and jewels for himself cost £ IO,(XX). There .....ere no presents for the Scots lords WIth hIm. The lavish French coun and architecture of his father-in-I' w 10~pired James to increase his 0;J e~pi:m;!" in this direction ..................... ENGLAND Sprjn,.. 'l'Ii\loogn~.....····:,Y. ' 5;] ~~
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/123 lames V (1513-42) Marriage in Europe was a prime concern of diplomacy for Stewart V, at odds with both France and England in 1528, saw Scotland as kings. The traditional ally was France but lames V, like his father, a possible ally (12,13). lames' uncle, the duke of Albany, tried to concluded a perpetual peace with England before reverting to the win Scotland overto France with the promise ofCatherine ofMedici auld alliance. The Scots first approached Francis I in 1516 (1, 2) and (9), but by the time the Scots ambassador arrived in Rome she was in the following year concluded the defensive treaty of Rouen by betrothed to Francis I's son. In the 1530s Francis I had higher which a royal French princess (3, 4, 6) was promised for the young priorities for his daughters when lames sought to implement Rouen lames on the understanding that the Emperor Charles V had the first (14,15,16). He only consented in 1536 to lames marrying Madeleine refusal. Henry VIII then sought in 1523 to woo Scotland away from (4) (d 1537) after resisting an invasion by Charles V. lames himself France with the offer of his daughter Mary (5). The Danish kings had forgone the pleasure of marrying his mistress (17). His second tried three times without success to attract Scottish support in bride (15), whom he married by proxy in France on 11 June 1538, their family squabbles over the Danish throne (7, 8, 10, 1l). Charles expressed her own preference to become the fourth wife of Henry VIII. The French dowries were worth £166,666 Scots. DENMARK TEUTONIC :. ,oRDER POLAND Christian 11 (10)(11) Maria Netherlands Regent (12) EMPIRE ," BOHEMIA '., , Mary of Bourbon'. (14) '. ----r--Mpry of Lorraine , • Paris " (15) \ ,..----'\ AUSTRIA HUNGARY •,~S~ITZERL~N,D .'--, FRANCE : "~~-(VENICE :, ~ ~ ~\~-" Francis I , 6 7....\ }- (1) (2) (3) (4) (6) '~ ..;,,;'_c.':'!.oD \NA I / ill \ ",---/. ~-i Catherine , ~ De Medici (9) '. PAPAL, '.STATES: TURKISH Infanta": Mary (13): SUZERAINTY ...;: SPAIN 0:' . • Madrid Lisbon ~ " .Q.; TURKISH EMPIRE The marriages of James V JSC 123
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/124 james V (1513-42) James V was bom on IOApril1512atLinlithgowand succeeded 10 the throne on 9 September 1513. The early years of the minority Wete spent at Stirling.until he was moved 10 Edinburgh for safer keeping in the Dukeof A lbany's absence from the summerof 1517. Thereafter he travelled rarely until his escape from the Douglases in 1528. (This is reOected in the registered great seal chaners: 504 out of 596 were granted al Edinburgh in the period September 1513 -June 1528). Apart from the journeys undertaken 10 use royal resources in kind and for hygienic reasons. principally between Edinburgh. Linlithgow. Slirling and Falkland. there were four main reasons for travel. These were to oversee justice. for religious reasons. for pleasure and 10 show himself and his brides to the people. These reasons were not mutually exclusive. The pursuit ofjustice led to the trip of July 1526 with the earl of Angus, but it seems to have been ineffective because of the opposition which led to armed conflict near Melrose (at Damick Moor) where Sir Waiter Scott of Buccleuch attempted to wrest the king from Douglas control. Other trips to the Borders were made in June 1527; May-June 1529:July 1530: May 1532; June andOct-Dec. 1534: April-May 1535: June 1536 and January 1539. Pacification oflhe west and of the Isles and showing the royal nag on lhe fringes of the kingdom were the principal reasons for the trips to Argyll in 1533. the nonh in 1537 and the mosl famous journey of James V, round the north of Scotland via Orkney to the Weslern Isles in 1540. Religious pilgrimages were made 10 SI. Ninian' s (Whilhorn) in July 1531 and September 1533 and 10 SI. Duthac's (Tain) in March 1534. James's favourite hunting grounds were at Meggetland in lhe Borders (visited in Augusl 1531 and June 1534) and al Glenanney and Benmore in Perthshire (visited in September 1531 and July 1534). He also hunted in Atholl in 1532. Queen Madeleine's tragically early death in July 1537 was followed by a trip to Tantallon in August and thence on the northern tour through Ruthven, Invemess, Aberdeen, Dunnottar and Brechin, in September-October 1537. Mane de Guise landed at Fifeness near Crail in May 1538 and married James at St Andrews. A tour of Fife followed. War accounted for James's final journey and he was at Lochmaben when he heard the news ofthe rout at Solway Moss. He relUmed to Mane at Linlilhgow and travelled on to Falkland where he died on 14 December 1542 aged 30. Linlithgow· \ .,l· .... ! ......... ...i '"'- Itineraries July 1526 kms ---... August to September 1531 o 25 50 75 100 , , , I u' o 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles The itinerary of James V 1526 to 1531 WKE 124
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/125 lames V (1513-42) c::) Dunnonar Castle September t 533 -""------September 1533 km. .---1 September 1536 to 19 May 1537 0 2. 75 lOO .---August -October 1537 0 10 20 30 so 60 {J '" miles The itinerary of James V 1533 to 1537 WKE 125
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/126 james V (1513-42) ~
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/127 Anglo-Scottish relations: the 'Rough Wooing' 1544 to 1550 The 'Rough Wooing' of 154410 1550 was the auempl by Henry VIII and the Prolector Somerset to force the Scollish government of the earl of Arran to agree 10 the betrothal of Mary. queen of Scals and Henry's son. Edward and thereby 10 unite the IWO monarchies dynastically. The normal p3l1em of warfare during the period 154-1 10 1546 was by raids into Scotland by English raiding panics based along the Marches. which caused considerable destruction from Dumfries 10 Hume and Coldingham. Even although the English briefly held some parts of Scotland. such as Lochmaben. Cacrlaverock. Threave and Langholm. the warfare remained confined to the Borders. The invasion of a large force in May 1544 destroyed Edinburgh. and Ihe invasion of Seplcmber 1545 ravaged the Merse and TeviOldale: bot the English rClired on the death of Henry VIII in January 15ol7 without achieving the marriage. Somerset realised that failure in that policy was due to the temporary nature ofthe pre.l;sure which had been put upon the Scots: he invaded SCOlland in September 1547 with a large army primarily 10 caplure slrongpoints. and not just to defeat the Scots. which he did in the great set-piece battle of Pinkie (10 September). The English fleet. which shadowed the English army as it moved towards Pinkie. then captured Inchcolm and Broughty Craig: and English forces were placed in them. At the same time another English anny invaded the south-west and by the end of the year Dumfries. Cockpool. Castlemilk and Lochwood were garrisoned by English troops. (These events are shown in the first map.) However. by Dccember 1547. French assistance for the Scots was beginning to arrive. Somerset resolved to strengthen greatly the Englio;h position in SCOIland. English invasions in the east and the we:-.t resulted in the capture of Haddington. Sahoun. Ormiston and Yester. Later. modem forts were built at Balgillo. Lauder and Haddington. lne mutu ally-protecting fons fonned what the English regarded as a pale. New forts were built at Dunglass (September 1548) and Fast castle (1549). But with the French reinforcements to the Scots. there was little the English could do to maintain their position: the English pale was pushed back: and the French entrenched themselves with garrisons and fonifications. a.
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/128 Anglo-Scottish relations: the 'Rough Wooing' 1544 to 1550 • English strongpoints 1547-1550 ® Strongpoints still in English hand!> in March 1550 .Inchkejth~ . Haddtngt ~ Dunglass Ormislon. Saltoun 51 • . Yester Eyemouth ", ark • ROXb~~9h .Femie~~~t .......(. r ."....... ..../ • Dumfries English slrongpoinls 1547 10 1550 Bal~illo (Feb 1549) J"'-T/'"«Broughty (Feb 1549) • French and Sconish strongpoints 1550 • Femiehi~t (1549) • Branxholm ........ .......l I / ...... ... ..' .... ''''' o 25 50 75 100 I ' 1 1 1 1 o 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles French and Scottish strongpoints 1550 MHM 128
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/129 The Reformation parliament 1560 In the midst of the Protestant Revolution. agreement was reached in theTreatyofEdinburgh (July 1560) between England and France for a withdrawal offorcign troops from Scouish soil. With the ensuing peace, preparations went ahead for summoning parliament in Edinburgh. which was duly authorised by Queen Mary and Frands 11 of France to meet on 10 July and 10 adjourn for reassembly on I August. When parliament met ineamest. a week was spentdebating legalities. the committee of the articles was elected. petitions accepted and. with characteristic promptitude, me assembled estates sanctioned a refonned Confession ofFaith (17 August). abrogated papal authority in Scotland. prohibited idolatry and rescinded all previous legislation considered inconsistent with the protestant Confession of Faith. abolished the celebration of mass and pre· scribed punishment for offenders who failed to abstain from the rile (24 August). Whereas in England the Henrician 'Refonnation parliament' had sat in seven sessions over seven years. its Scottish counterpart dispatched its essential business in seven days. Its work was short and swifl. Concentrating on fundamentals. it assigned to others the task of working out the details. The unprecedented attendance. from far and near. ofso wide a spectrum ofthe political community in the parliament of 1560 is indicativeofthedetennina· tion ofthe victorious revolutionaries to make a showing in the capital by rallying their adherents from many corners of the kingdom. The impressive appearance of 14 earls. led by ·the duke' who was heir presumptive 10 the throne. some 1910rds. half a dozen sons ofpeers. commissioners from 22 burghs. and a hundred or so lairds (whose right to allend by custom and use was a subject of dispute) was designed to overawe any opposition. Members of the country's most powerful and innuential families evidently considered it imperative to give their presence: most were finnly protestant. some were militantly so: and the few conservatives who put in an appearance for the best part kept silent. Among the six members of the episcopate who gave their attendance. three turned protestant refonners: and the remainder showed. at least. some disposition towards wavering, if not confonning. Nor was the strong turnout of two dozen or so commendators from the monastic houses inimical to religious change. for most had shown themselves friends of the refonning party. A remarkable feature of the Refonnation parliament's composition wa.~ the broad base of support which could be claimed from the political community. Its membership was drawn geographically from so far north as Inverness and its environs, along the north·eastern coastal plain, southward through Aberdeenshire. Angus and the Meams. Perthshire (highland and lowland), to Fife. the Lothians and Merse. Stirlingshire. Lanark· shire, and ~ / JK orJf ""'.1 A_ ~ Seats 01 nobIes In parliament 1560 : ~~~e [J \ o LO
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/130 The Reformation parliament 1560 • Burghs represented in par1iament 1560 o SI. Andr_. whICh was not apecilicalty represented. although its provost was present asa laird( -J km, 25 50 75 100 25 100 t,/ Q 9 '"'"50 75 o 10 20 30 40 50 60 o 10 20 JO 40 50 60 m,... miles The burghs in parliament 1560 The churchmen in parliament 1560 lBe 130
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/131 Mary, queen of Scots (1542-67) First Prog~of Mary Queen of Scots t I September . 29 September 1561 : Holyrood.Edinburgh 10 Linlithgow Palace 10 Sliding Castle 10 Kincardine Castle making adetourto Le-;Iic Castle in Fife en route 10 Perth 10 Dundee 10 SI. Andrews to Cupar 10 Falkland Palace to Edinburgh. First Northern ProgressofMaryQueen of5El1 of Ganocti Cullcn to Boyne Castle 10 Banfflo Gighl ~-Castle 10 Esslemonl 10 Aberdeen 10 Dunnonar Ca.
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/132 Mary, queen ofScots (1542-67) ~D~ BeaUly~~tJe- ~;Z; '. Aberdeen Dunnottar Castle '.. ~~~._ BlairAtholl ~Glentilt .... '-' .. ~..~,) Balmerino Abbey Du-ndee R~hven Castle' .. -''perth BaI!lnbreich Castle Innerpeffra _ _ . laimie Castle . . ." Fa(kland "" _~$tAndrews Klncardlne..-PI '" -Lundie:C slle astJe ' aacee -. .' ~ ~,,' O·Uri~~Stl' . • . Anstruther ~, I .'Stirling ' '': " ." ewark Castle \ , C stle \ :; ,.:..-" Wemyss Castle Callend~r.. .~Queensfer House Li~li~oYF.;,: ./ Palace Edinburgh / I" / Hermitage Castle Itineraries of Mary ............. 22 July to 15 September 1564 ____ 19 J. nuary to 24 February 1565 ______ ~ 11 May to 4 July 1565 ~ ---.r) Itineraries of Mary, queen of Scots 1564 to 1565 Itineraries of Mary ,. Autumn tour 1566 ------.. 10 December 1566 to 14 January 1567 .......~ 2 to 16 May 1568 L...~"~-f-.~>::::~ Sf Andrews Itineraries of Mary, queen of Scots 1566 to 1568 I .--' • ~e .wFalkland Pala Loch Levan ! . --~ "( Dunfer line ..•., t" ..: ...... .: Chaseabout Raid 1565 Phrase One Phrase Two Phrase Three Itineraries of Mary, queen of Scots: the Chaseabout Raid 1565 IBC 132
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/133 James VI (1567-1625) (ChanO~Ross) ( "Te,"5" eo,,", · Ounnonar Mentrose Places visited • by James VI Ruthven Castkt (Huntingtower) 1. Andrews . Falkland Earlslerry Terrisoule Is on site of modern H untty. ~Stir1ing Clanesse (nol on map today; described • as East Bumlisland). " Dunfermline mtisJand BorouQhmuir (a suburb of Edinburgh). Kinnellt!9'-:! • ~~e'1!on Inverleith (a suburb of Edinburgh . Dumbar1on Unlithgow.~~~rie· near Forth). ~ Boroughmuir e H ddingt """-. Glasgow A'h 'craig~lIar Ca~le ?). LanarX F,la: Soutra • Lauder Peebles ~Relso ~ • CraWford Cas Orybu h Jedburgh . Sanq har km. loch~Tower ~"__-,~50~5 -Lochmaben 2fL-r-__~LI__-r~ o 16 20 do do miles . Carlisle l Progresses of James VI before 1603 mc Uec~J Moo.. ot Mont,eathmon)nna;'d undee km. 0 25 50 75 I I I I I I I I 0 10 20 30 40 miles ---. Direction of travel Itinerary of James Vll617 mc 133
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/134 The civil war 1567 to 1573 After Mary's defeat at Carberry Hill (15 June 1567) allhe hands of men', After the assassination of Moray (January 1570) the opposing the confederalc lords. the queen dcmillcd hererown to her infant son factions slid into civil war. By 1573 the cau3C of the king's men had James. The government was carried on by the Regent Moray. After prevailed. partly because of the suppon for them from Eli7..abeth of her escape from Lochlc\cn and her defeat al Langsidc ( 13 May England who saw her position in doubt if the Marians were 10 1568). Mary ned 10 England with linle pro"peCI ofbeiog allowed to succeed. The chief Mariao lords acknowledged James VI as king in return 10 Scotland. although there were in Scotland the 'quecn's men' the pacification of Perth (23 February 1573). The maps show the who looked for her restoration: they were opposed by the 'king's location of the supporters of the queen's men and the king's men. Skelbo Castle (Suthertand) Rottles Castle (RotheS)""!. rOStrathbogie casuee::pHunu ( -Slams Castle (Erroll) ... ~-Kildrummy Castle (Elphinstone) '=' • Airlie Castle (Ogltvy) Drummond Castle (Drummond)~hant) o Kincardine Castle (Monlrose . ~~c'-_r o Castle Campbell (Argyll) Ravenscraig Castle (Sinelair) Seton Palace (Selon) • Halkheid (Ross) • ~ '-; Yester Castle (Hay or Yester) Polnoqn Caslle ,. o(Eghnton) • BorthwJCk Castle (BorthwlCk) OUlhally~mervllle) • Dean Castle Boghall Castle (F1emlngn ..~"J (Boyds) J./Y~Crawford cas/crawfOrd) ____ Sanquhar Castle ' (Crichton of Sanquhar) ..•.../ \-t,~/ /~ .::= • TorthofWald (Carlyle) 7~' ex w. o • Signatories to Hamilton Bond (8 May t 568) • SignatOries to Dumbarton Bond (t2 May t568)• Signatories to both Hamilton and Dumbarton Bonds o I 25 , kms 50 ,, 75, , 100 miles The civil war: the Queen's men, earls and lords IBC 134
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/135 The civil war 1567 to 1573 ~hi" Dunkeld -----' Arbroath Bishops Commendators Signatories to Hamilton Bond (8 May 1568) e Signatories to Dumbarton Bond (12 May 1568) ~ Signatories to both Hamilton and Dumbarton Bonds I!':I ~ ... Will o .1 o The civil war: the Queen's men, bishops and commendators 10 25, , 20 kms 50 ,, 30 miles 75 100, , , , 50 60 IBC 135
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/136 The civil war 1567 to 1573 {) 0 Dunnottar (Earl Marischal) ~ . IZI lains (Master 01 Errol) nBlair Atholl (Atholl) j ~6fdMontroSe(MasterOIGraham) Glamis ... Innermeath Auchterhouse (iuChan) Inchmahome Menteith ~StruthersLindsay 01 Byres) E~;;klne)~-• Alloa (Mar) Cambuskenneth -v Dunlermlin (Pitcairn) (Ersklne) I. Cul~s (Colville) !llPlrleton (Ruthven) Finlayson orp Ichen (St Jofln)' ~ (Glenbairn) ~ Dalkeith (Morto~• Saltoun .~~~~iWtm~Ple /' • ~ • Dryburgh (Erskine !!Jgchiltr~e Q \} ';;'h;~ru;" (C''''',") ~ King's men Earls IZI Masters • Lords £:::,. Bishops • Commendators kms 100 i i i i miles The civil war: the king's men IBe 136
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/137 The house of Hamilton 1554 to 1573 The strength of the house of Hamilton in the middle decades ofthe sixteenth century depended upon a widespread yet consolidated network of influence derived from both temporal and ecclesiastical wealth, property and positions. In the secular sphere Hamiltons were to be found as sheriffs of Lanark, Renfrew, Linlithgow, Bute (and Arran); captains of strategic royal castles; representatives on the town councils of main burghs, in addition to controlling over 200 estates stretching from Arran to the Merse, Sanquhar to Corse in Aberdeenshire. The greatest concentrations were in Lanarkshire, Ayrshire and West Lothian around the main family fortresses, the nuclei being the baronies of Cadzow, Mauchline and Kinneil granted by Robert Bruce in 1314 to WaIter, son of Gilbert, the earliest recorded ancestor, in recognition of his support during the Wars oflndependence. The chief means of land accumulation was the crown grant, especially following the forfeitures of recalcitrant noble families such as the Douglases and the Boyds, but outright purchase, excambion (exchange), and marriage with sole or joint heiresses also served to increase and unify existing holdings. By a simultaneous policy of careful distribution and intermarriage, the Hamiltons ensured that their numerous offspring, whether legitimate or illegitimate, did not become alienated but instead were variously established as the heads of cadet branches, taken into crown service or appointed as baillies and chamberlains, thus maintaining an extensive loyalty to kin and name. Many younger or illegitimate sons were allocated pensions and positions in the ecclesiastical hierarchy, although continuity was harder to preserve as control terminated with the death of the holder. The governorship of James Hamilton, second earl of Arran and duke of Chatelherault, provided the opportunity to entrench kinsmen particularly in lucrative episcopal and monastic benefices, thus with the exception of the bishopric of Argyll and Lismore, gaining influence over an area conterminous with their secular properties. Where possible, members of the family also benefited from the feuing of church lands, mainly in the Clyde valley and north Ayrshire, and from the revenues of parish churches appropriated to the religious houses and collegiate churches or free from external influence such as Crawfordjohn, Libberton, Quothquan, Kirkrnichael and Rannoch. In a period of political and religious unrest, family security ultimately mattered more than national aspirations or individual faith. Internal unity ensured that neither forfeiture nor direct attack could weaken the influential position held by the house ofHamilton in mid-sixteenth century Scotland. {J {J 50 25 50 "'" '00 """ ",. 0 20 30 .." 50 60 20 30 .." 50 60 " '"'~ " ""~ But e Sheriffdoms with Hamilton sheriffs STANDREWS Archbishopric held by Hamiltons IDunbarl Castles with Hamilton captains Argyll Bishopric held by Hamiltons Edinburgh Main burghs with Hamilton Kilwinning Religious house held by Hamiltons representatives on the council Other benefices held by Hamiltons • • Other Hamilton lands The house of Hamilton: secular The house of Hamilton: ecclesiastical EF landholding 1554 to 1573 benefices 1554 to 1573 137
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/138 The civil wars 1639 to 1651 This map depicts Charles' strategy for subduing the Scots in the first (on the second occasion by a landing from ships sent from England). bishops' war of 1639 -and its failure. Grandiose plans for coordinatbut this was all the success that the royalists could boast. The ing invasions by sea and land, from both England and Ireland, with invasions from Ireland failed to materialise. the shores ofthe Firth of royalist risings in northern Scotland were almost uniformly unsucForth were too strongly held by the covenanters for a landing to be cessful. The covenanters took the initiative in March by seizing risked, and the king's army on the border was too weak to invade. (without bloodshed) nearly all the castles held for the king and by When in June the covenanters threateningly advanced their main sending forces to occupy Aberdeen and Arran. The royalists of the army to Duns, the king agreed to open negotiation, for peace, and the north-east twice managed to gain temporary possession ofAberdeen pacification of Berwick was signed on 18 June. Royalist theory: Charles I's strategy ~ ~ ,-----------, ----~ Proposed royalist invasions and advances [1] Main army to cross the Border from England [2] Marquis of Hamilton to land troops on shores of the Firth of Forth [3] Help to be sent by sea to the royalist of the north-east [4] Royalists in the north-east to advance southwards [5] Anti-covenanter Highland clans to rise in arms ~~ [6] Earl of Arntrim to lead invasion of Argyll [7] Irish forces raised by Lord Wentworth to seize Arran and Dumbarton castle Royalist practice Places held for the king • Movements of royalist forces (1 ) English forces temporarily occupy Duns, 25 April (2) Hamiltons's fleet enters Firth of Forth, 1 May, but fails to land troops (3) Royalists drive covenanters from Turriff and occupy Aberdeen, 14,15 May (4) Earl of Aboyne and royalists land and occupy Aberdeen, 6 June (5) English forces advance towards Kelso, but then retire, 3 June Covenanters' response o Places held for the king but seized or occupied by the covenanters (with dates) ...............~ Movements of covenanting forces (A) Covenanting armies occupy Aberdeen, 30 March, 23 May and (after the battle of the Bridge of Dee outside the burgh) 18 June , [3] (B) Main covenanting army advances to Duns, 5 June \ (4) \ \ ~Pfi!! \ \ [6]/ \ \ kms 0 25 50 100 ! 7.5 t ,, , 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles The first bishops' war 1639 DS 138
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/139 The civil wars 1639 to 1651 When war broke out again in 1640, Charles's planswere similar to those ofthepreviousyear, but the idea of alanding on the shores of theFirth ofForth was abandoned; and it was realised that there was no longer much hope ofactive help from the royalists in the northeast. The covenanters again seized the initiative, sending forces to occupy Aberdeen and to march through the central and southern Highlands to deter potential royalists from action. Only four castles were held for the king, but all of them required formal sieges before being forced to surrender -and three of them did not surrender until after it was clear that theking'scause was lost. Asin 1639, the help expected from lreland did not appear (except for a small Royalist theory: Charles l's strategy ----~ Proposed royalist invasions and advances scale raid in Islay long after the war was over, undertaken more for clan than royalist motives), and the king failed to assemble an army capable of invading Scotland. The covenanters therefore resolved to force a military decision by invading England. Their invasion met with complete success, and the covenantersentered Newcastle after defeating the king's forces at the battle of Newburn. Charles was forced to open negotiationsand accepted the humiliating treaty of Ripon on 17 October, whereby he not only agreed that the Scots army would remain in England, but that he would pay it. The army eventually withdrew from England in August 1641, after a peace settlement had been negotiated in the treaty of London. [1] Main army to cross to the Border from England led by Lord Conway [2] New army raised in Ireland by the earl of Stratford (formerly Lord Wentworth) to land somewhere in south-west Scotland [3] Part of Stratford's Irish army to land in England to join in the main army's invasion of Scotland [4] Possible raids on Argyll by the earl of Antrim's men and anti-covenanter refugees from the Highlands [5] Anti-covenanter Highland clans to rise in arms Royalist practice • Places held for the king ----I.~ Movements of royalist forces (1) Raid by Alasdair MacColla on Islay, November 1640 Covenanters' response o Places held for the king but seized or occupied by the covenanters (with dates) ............, Movements of covenanting forces (A) Covenanting armies occupy Aberdeen, 5 May ~a!!!! (B) IMar9i ls of Argyll's Campbell forces march through areas shown thus -Atholl -to subdue or overawe royalist sympathisers / (C) Covenanting forces based in Aberdeen oveawe northeast royalists, making expedition to Bantf, AU9U%t to September ~~ (D) Main covenanting army invades England, o~
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/140 The civil wars 1639 to 1651 (1) Raid on the Isles by Alasdair MacColla, November 1640. [2) Raid on the Isles by Alasdair MacColla, November 1642 to early 1645. [3) Marquis of Huntly seizes Aberdeen (March 1644) but soon forced to abandon it. [4) Marquis of Montrose seizes Dumfries, but forced to retreat into England. [5) Alasdair MacColla sails with Irish confederate expeditionary force from Wexford to Ardnamurchan, June to July 1644. After seeking support from anti-covenanter clans joins Montrose at Blair Atholl, July to August 1644. [6) Montrose campaigns, August 1644 to August 1645 (shown in the next two ~ (] maps). "'» foiJ [7) Montrose advances south after his final victory at Kilsyth. Attempts to SJr;rv.s establish a royalist regime, but defeated at Philiphaugh by forces sent C:J}> .5.::t. home by the Scottish army in England, August to September 1645. ~ [8) Montrose goes into exile, having failed to recruit a new army after Philiphaugh, 3 September 1646. [9) Alasdair MacColla driven back to Ireland, June 1647, and killed in battle later in the year. [10) Pluscardine's rising: royalists from Atholl and the north led by Sir Thomas Pluscardine and others were dispersed at Balvenie, March to May 1649. [11) Montrose's men occupy Orkney, September 1649, and (Mont rose himself having joined them) land on the mainland in April 1650: they are routed at Carbisdale, and Montrose o ~'"tly "'oc"'''' ...... .... ...... km. 0 2.5 5,0 7.5 100 I , , , 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Royalist risings and invasions 1640 to 1650 140
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/141 The civil wars 1639 to 1651 Culien Elgin ~,_____ .-/ Focha~ers Bog of Gight • Turriff Inverness /:__ Frendra~ght :~. '...... Ballachestell /", e.-____.:.--•.Auchterless ~,(Castle Grant) jJ; Balvente H-tl '.' • . , "-~/ un y ~\ FYVle /' ''--'./ ~' ,I ~' ' Abernethy Monymusk • ~Kintore .: Kilcumin ~oS; Aberdeen ~ 13Sept LOCHABER /7 \; 'P~t/ 1644 // .,~··~o" ~ _~ ~.::/;.:G\~~ ATHOLL Inverlochy ~2Feb1645··. BlairAtholl ................................. .... .~., Perth e Glasgow The Montrose campaigns I: August 1644 to April 1645 ----.. First circuit of the eastern Highlands (Blair Atholl to Blair Atholl) August to October 1644 -----~ Second circuit 01 the eastern Highlands (Blair Atholl to Blair Atholl) October to November 1644 ..........~ Ravaging 01 Argyll (Blair Atholl to Inverlochy) December 1644 to February 1645 --... Inverlochy to Dundee, February to April 1645 Doune ......~Kinross er··Sii':iiiig~ [61iKilSyth 15~ Aug 1645 e Glasgow ----.. Dundee to Auldearn April -May 1645 kms -----~ Auldearn to Allord May -July 1645 o , , , , 25 50 75 100 ..........~ Allord to Kilsy1h July -AugList 1645 I I i o 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles The Montrose campaigns 11: April -August 1645 DS 141
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/142 The civil wars 1639 to 1651 Edinburgh • Philiphaugh Newcastle \...........~ "I \ I I -I.--' 1 Penrith\'" I}J I , \ \-.::: --I I I o ", " I I 1 Joy'" t ~ \ " \ It Kenda!i',: \ I 1 I ..;, \ I 1 I ~ , I \ I I '" \ " I I .' Marston Moor eX. ! : 1 I ~" 2 July 1644 [1] ) i 'OJ \I~ -,. York rJl ,,' \' ~/ W I , ' Leeds.I I \ I , , ~ \ ,I ~ I.\ poncaster 11 I I I Dublin I I arrington I I .~ I[[] I' I •• Newark \',,------......... ~\ Southwell o\ •Uttoxeter I''.Nottingham , I / I \ ,,/~ \ "'f.... " ,/ " ~:;~ ~ ~ ,J /~~ ,,"/ r ~ ~ .....,// I r71 /," I L.fu I,," • Worcester Hereford. 3 Sep\. 1651 • Oxford (royalist headquarters, 1642-6) Londo~ Kms 0 25 50 75 100 i i iI , i i , 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles The Scottish armies in England and Ireland 1642 to 1651 DS 142
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/143 The civil wars 1639 to 1651 The Scottish army in Ireland. 1642-8. The army occupied north-east Ulster, with its headquarters at Carrickfergus. It was / If successful in preventing the Irish Catholic confederates from over-running all Ulster and destroying the Ulster plantation (a Scottish and English colony), but was defeated in the only major pitched battle it fought at Benburgh. The remnants of the army was dispersed in 1648 by forces of the English parliament after part of the army had left to join the Engagers' invasion of England. The Scottish army in England, 1644-7. The army played an important role in swinging the balance in the English civil war ;.. in favour of parliament, but failed to play the dominant role in defeating the king that the covenanters had hoped for. [1) The army crossed the border to England, 19 January 1644. [2) The army joined with the armies of the English parliament in defeating the royalist army of Prince Rupert at Marston Moor, 2 July 1644. [3) The army took part in the siege of York which surrendered 16 July 1644. [4) The army stormed Newcastle, 19 October 1644, and then quartered for the winter. [5) In 1645 the army was reluctant to venture south, as Montrose was defeating covenanting armies in Scotland, and there were fears that the king would try to break into Scotland to join him. In May and June it moved west to block a move north by the king. When the army did march south it left forces to help in the siege of Carlisle which surrendered on 28 June 1645. [6) After pausing at Nottingham, 22 June to 2 July, the army laid siege to Hereford on 30 July 1645 [7) Fears of a new attempt of Charles I to reach Scotland led to part of the army marching back north, and in September, the rest of the army followed on news of Montrose's victory at Kilsyth and the king's advance to Worcester. [8) In November 1645 the army moved south again (Montrose having been defeated at Philiphaugh) and laid siege to Newark. The siege lasted until May 1645 when the defeated king put himself in the hands of the Scots army and Newark surrendered. In February 1647 it moved back into Scotland, leaving the king to fall into the hands of the English parliament. ,,---The army of the Engagement (a treaty with the imprisoned king) crossed the Border on 8 July 1648, hoping to be joined ~ by English royalist forces and then rescue the king. But English royalist risings had already been defeated; and Cromwell routed the Engagers' army (led by the duke of Hamilton) at Preston. Remnants of the army, cut off from Scotland, retreated south before surrendering at Uttoxeter on 25 August. Cromwelllater led forces into Scotland to support the Kirk Party regime which overthew the Engagers after Preston. ,.....--Charles lI's despairing invasion of England, undertaken after the English invaders had outflanked his army at Stirling. The I Scots army left Stirling on 31 July 1651; while it marched through England to the west of the Pennines, Cromwell hastened his army south on the east catching the Scottish army and destroying it at Worcester on 3 September. The Scottish armies in England and Ireland 1642 to 1651 DS 143
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/144 The civil wars 1639 to 1651 ~ The route of English armies The route of Scottish armies ~~ Counties forming the Western Association [1) Crornwell leads the English army into Scotland, 22 July 1650. [2) English atternpts to capture Edinburgh are thwarted, and Cromwell retires to Dunbar, July to August 1650. [3) Scottish army defeated at Dunbar, after which all south-east Scotland is occupied by the English. Charles and the Kirk Party regime of the covenanters establish themselves in Perth and Stirling. [4) Western Association organises its own virtually autonomous army to resist the English. This godly army of the west disowns the cause of the king, claiming to fight for God alone. The Kirk Party resolves to use force if necessary to crush the Western Association, but before it acts the English advance and defeat the Westem army at Hamilton. The Association collapses and the south-west is occupied by the English. [5) The Start. Royalists in Fife and in the north plan to rise in arms and seize Perth, freeing Charles 11 from Kirk Party control. The plot fails, and by a treaty at Strathbogie on 4 November 1650 the royalists lay down arms. But the Kirk Party is now on the verge of collapse, and the royalists soon infiltrate and take over the regime. [6) English forces cross the Firth of Forth, rout the Scots at Inverkeithing, and then march north occupying Perth on 2 August 1651 , before moving on Stirling and (via Dundee) the north-east. By the end of 1651 all the Lowlands (with the exception of a few castles) are in English hands. [7) Charles and the Scottish army, outflanked and cut off from hoped for recruits and supplies from the north by the English advance, leave Stirling on 31 July 1651 . They undertake a desperate invasion of England, hoping that English royalists will join @ lhem.bOI.,e defealed ____~--.- wo'""'te,. / . · kms 0 25 I , , , 0 10 20 The CromwelIian conquest of Scotland 1650 to 1651 50,, 30 miles 75, , 50 100 60 144
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/145 The Pentland Rising of 1666 The Pentland Rising was a popular revolt triggered by the military occupation of the southwest. What began as a local dispute between a contingent of foot guards collecting recusancy fines near Dairy on 13 November 1666 and a handful of vigilantes who objected to the soldiers' methods escalated quickly into a nation-wide rebellion involving over 3,000 Scots. Yet apart from the initial attack on Corporal Deane's troop, the call to assemble at Irongray church two days later, and the subsequent march on Dumfries of 16 November, the uprismg was characterised by Its Q ~ spontaneity. In terms oftheir immediate objectives, for instance, the leaders ofthe uprising -who were mainly conventicle preachers and small heritors -possessed only a vague plan of having their grievances redressed by marching on the capital, Edinburgh. Ironically, this element of uncertainty lent as much strength as weakness to the revolt. Although the lack of decisive leadership contributed to the rout of the rebels by government troops in the Pentland hills, nonetheless it made the rebels' actions more unpredictable, thereby allowing them to elude the authonues for almost a fortnight. TO~ (Nov 27) Colinton Bathgate :J Rullion Green J Nov 28) eX, ~kir~ Cumnock D"m'IIi"~\ ) ~ \ ) . C~rsphalrn Glencairn ~hurChJ ,,\. (Nov 16) L"--. (rV~~~~I~ ( Dumfries v ~13) kms (N~ 0 25 50 75 100 I I I I I I I 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 The rebels' movements miles • Lords ordered to defend own locality (Nov 16) • Lords authorised to raise forces (Nov 19) • Lords ordered to defend own locality and suppress the rebellion (Nov 19) ® Lords ordered to go to Edinburgh with men, horses and arms (Nov 19) I!l Towns fortified and special emergency procedures enacted ~Shires where general musters called (Nov 21) The Government reaction 145
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/146 The Pentland Rising of 1666 Government response to the rising was initially traditional. In addition to mobilising troops under General Dalziel. the privy council ordered local heritors in the disaffected areas of the southwest as well as the earl of Lothian to defend their own localities and suppress the insurrection. But this conventional solution had to be abandoned when it became evident that the degree of anti-government sentiment in the country had been underestimated. Moreover, it soon became apparent too that heritors in the west who were largely sympathetic to the rebels' case could not be relied on to suppress the uprising. Therefore, a general muster of fencible men was called on 19 ovember in the eastern shires from the Meams in the north to the south-eastern Borders wherecovenanting sentiment was thought to be weaker. As a result, the Pentland Rising saw the lowlands split regionally between the west and east with anti-and pro-government forces emerging from these parts of Scotland respectively. , , , , kms 0 25 50 75 100 , ,, , , , 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles ® Site of public execution (with number of rebels hanged) t Suspected rebel o Special security precautions enacted Shires where troops quartered Shires where arms, ammuniton and horses confiscated Aftermath and repercussions MS 146
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/147 Bothwell Brig Rebellion 1679 Tensions between the state and militant nonconformists came to a head in May of 1679 when the murder of Archbishop Sharp on Magus Muirprecipitated a series ofacts ofdefiance by conventiclers in different parts of the country which together constituted an uprising. In essence, then, circumstances rather than any orchestrated conspiracy forced the dissidents to take a more aggressive public posture. For example, if the dozen men who met at Gilston and then travelled to Baldinnie on 2 May had not decided at the last minute to kill the Archbishop of St. Andrews -rather than the local sheriff, Sheriff Carmichael -there would have been neither the necessity nor the determination to foment rebellion. However, with the murder of a chief minister of the crown, the assassins had provoked a serious crisis for the government that could only be settled by armed confrontation. Yet for three weeks thereafter little activity took place to confirm the authorities' suspicions that the long-awaited rebellion was imminent. The main conspirators ""agus Muir (3 May) ~ ~~aldinnie(2May). ") 1 Queensferry (SO~h) ~.Gilston (2 May) 2 Blackness Stirling 3 linlithgow East Wemyss 4 Edinburgh Queensferry (North) I~"" . Larbert o F~irk~ -Leith ~ Kllsyth 0 ~:w 1 lasgow (2-3 June Muirhead 0 /~Rutherglen (29 ~ay) 0 " Blackburn The Bothwell Brig Rebellion: the progress of the rebellion MS within the bounds ofthe western shires ofAyr, Dumbarton, Renfrew and Lanark. Ofthe five major battles or skirmishes which took place between I June and 22 June, the early battles fought at Loudoun Hill and Glasgow ended in victory for the rebels. However, both the skirmish at Gala Water and West Calder inVOlving smaller numbers of combatants turned into a rout of the dissidents. Thus when the king's army gathered at Kirk ofShotts on 21 June prepared to march on the main rebel camp at Bothwell Bridge neither side could entertain the expectation that an easy victory was assured. Bothwell Bridge proved to be the rebels ' last stand. Military inferiority compounded by a lack of martial discipline and effective leadership among the dissident forces account for much of the ease with which the king's army won the battle. And, apart from a final armed encounter at Aird's Moss on 22 July 1680 where some of the leading insurgents including Richard Cameron, Hackston of Rathillet and Donald Cargill were captured or killed, no other largescale manifestations of popular discontent took place. Instead the dissidents were forced into a more protracted, guerilla warfare where acts of civil disobedience took other forms such as the publication of antigovernment declarations. In the immediate aftermath of the rising, the government showed itself to be more concerned with moderation than retribution. Although 36 southern lairds were forfeited for their failure to join the king's host and two circuit courts -roughly one for eastern Scotland and another for the west -were set up to administer pardons and loyalty oaths to rank and file participants, no large scale executions or show trials were organised. However, given that 800 rebels (20%) were killed in battle, this approach may have been part of a conscious effort by the government to avoid the creation of any more covenanting martyrs. • Battle or skirmish o Site associated • Site of circuit court ~Shires with forfeited lairds The Bothwell Brig Rebellion: the aftermath 147
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/148 Clan support for the house of Stuart The clans -the Gaelic-speaking, patriarchal amalgams of kinship, local association and feudal deference-were the bedrock of both the Royalist campaigns of 1644-47 and the fust Jacobite rising of 1689 90. The persistence of hosting and the ready mobilisation of the clans by passing round the fiery cross meant a lower threshold in the Highlands than t/:le Lowlands for the resort to arms. The militarism ofthe clans can be overplayed, however. The resolution of territorial disputes by the wholesale recourse of clans to arms was becoming less of an occasional practice, more of a rarity in the course of the seventeenth century. Technological change meant that it was becoming no longer fashionable to take arms off trees. The chiefs and leading gentry of the clans were increasingly reluctant to meet the expense of providing guns. The professional backbone to the Royalist and Jacobite campaigns was formed by Irish troops. Three regiments served under James Graham, marquis of Montrose during the civil war, and John Graham, viscount Dundee from 1689. The "Highland charge" deployed successfully on both campaigns was probably introduced to Scotland by Montrose's major-general, Alasdair MacColla, who can be said to have imported from Ulster in the summer of 1644 a tactic for irregular infantry which was designed to suit highland terrain, the technology clans could afford and the effectiveness of the sword and targe in close-quarters after the discharge of firearms. In terms of strategy, clan support for the house of Stuart was most effective in the pursuit of guerilla warfare. After joining forces in August 1644, Montrose and MacColla commenced a twelvemonth campaign of continuous movement running up a series of six bloody victories that culminated in the defeat of Covenanting forces at Kilsyth. Each victory attracted increased support from the clans. However, the military success of guerilla warfare was not converted into political achievement, notably the capture of leading towns, the key to control in the Lowlands. Within a month of parting from MacColla and the western clans, Montrose's fortunes went into rapid decline. From his defeat at Philiphaugh in September 1645, until his departure into exile twelve months later, Montrose was a spent force in Scotland. Although he was eventually forced to retire to Ireland by July 1647, MacColla fared relatively better on the western seaboard where his continued pursuit ofguerilla warfare was distinctly less naive and more constructive. Other than the MacDonalds of Sleat who preferred to remain rather than accept his leadership, MacColla's affiliations to the lineal descendants of the Lords of the Isles created a ready reservoir of support. Unrivalled charisma based on his personal valour in battle and the fact that he was not required to lay siege to large towns enabled MacColla to occupy Kintyre and Islay and thus maintain, for eighteen months, a Royalist bridgehead with Ireland. Nor did the successful pursuit ofguerilla warfare prove politically remunerative during the fust Jacobite rising. Dundee's stunning victory at Killiecrankie in July 1689, was neutralised by his death in the course of battle. The burgeoning clan support occasioned by his personal charisma and his inspired generalship was soon dissipated by insipid and inept leadership from his officers with the Irish forces who assumed command but failed to make a military breakthrough either into central Lowlands or areas ofJacobite affinity in the north-east. Admittedly, the Stuart cause was not helped by the fluctuating nature of clan support during the Jacobite rising as during the civil war. While undoubtedly influenced by their desire to return home with booty, this fluctuating support was attributable more to the clans' reluctance to disrupt the agrarian cycle of sowing and harvesting and, above all, to their aversion to prolonged absence from their patrimonies which sustained campaigning left exposed to the ravages of cateran bands or reprisals by political opponents. For although around 5,000 clansmen were mobilised during the civil war and again for the Jacobite rising, the 47 foremost clans were never united in their support for the Stewarts albeit over 60% of the clans actively supported or shifted their support in favour of the royal house on both occasions. Clan support for the house of Stuart as hereditary rulers of Scotland was based primarily on the projection of traditional values of c1anship onto the national political stage. As the chiefs were the protectors of the clan patrimonies, so were the Stuarts trustees for Scotland. At the same time, clan support for Charles I during the civil war was essentially reactionary. The 21 clans who declared unequivocally for the Royalist cause were fighting less in favour of that absentee monarch than against the Covenanting Movement which was making unprecedented demands for ideological, financial and military commitment. More especially the clans were reacting against powerful nobles whose public espousal of the Covenanting cause masked the private pursuit of territorial ambitions. Thus, the Mackays took up the Royalist mantle to defend their patrimony of Strathnaver against the acquisitive overtures of John Gordon, earl of Sutherland. The most acquisitive influence, however, was undoubtedly that of the Clan Campbell, the main beneficiaries of the expropriation of MacDonalds from Kintyre, Islay, Jura and Ardnamurchan since the outset of the seventeenth century. Having been evicted by Campbel\s from Colonsay in 1639, the determination of MacColla to perpetuate the feud under the Royalist mantle was endorsed by the Irish regiments under his command which were recruited almost exclusively from among his kinsmen on the Ulster estates of Randal MacDonnell, earl ofAntrim, whose own territorial ambitions on the western seaboard had encouraged Campbell forces enlisted in the Covenanting army despatched to Ireland in 1642 to wreak havoc on the isle of Rathlin and the glens ofAntrim. The deliberate but wanton ravaging of Argyll and northern Perthshire during the winters of 1644 and 1645 persuaded six clans hitherto contained within the territorial spheres of Campbell influence to cut loose in support of the Reyalist cause albeit the two most prominent, the Lamonts and MacDougalls, were subsequently massacred for their temerity to switch sides and plunder Campbell estates. The polarizing impact of the Campbells was not confined to the western seaboard since their chief, Archibald, marquis of Argy le, in the four years prior to the outbreak of the civil war, had utilised military commissions not only to harry suspect Royalists in Atholl, braes ofAngus, Braemar and Deeside, but also to push his territorial claims over Badenoch and Lochaber. Because their chief was in the tutelage of the marquis, Camerons of Lochiel who held their lands of the house of Argyle, maintained a prudent neutrality throughout the civil war. Conversely, aversion to the hitherto pervasive influence of the Royalist magnate, George Gordon, marquis of Huntly, in the central Highlands, persuaded the Frasers and originally the Grants to declare for the Covenanters and for the Mackintoshes, but not all of the Clan Chattan to remain neutral. The willingness of the Royalist commanders to despoil territories of clans reluctant to join their cause convinced the Grants of the expediency of switching sides. The MacLeods of Dunvegan and the Sinclairs limited their support for the Covenanting Movement to the protection of their clan patrimonies. Tom between the defence of their clan patrimonies and the political ambitioning of their vacillating chief, George, second earl ofSeaforth, the MacKenzies, together with their allies, the MacRaes and MacLeods of Assynt, demonstrated an unparallelled lack of touch in switching adversely whenever Royalist or Covenanting forces enjoyed ascendancy. While the Campbells and the other clans who campaigned offensively for the Covenanting Movement were in broad sympathy with presbyterianism, the militant catholicism of the Irish forces, while espoused by MacColla and the leading branches of the ClanDonald, was certainly not shared by the majority of the Royalist clans. However, religion was a principal factor influencing clans to come out for the first Jacobite rising. The sporadic inroads of Catholic missions served to solidify the opposition offormer Royalist clans to the disposition of James VII. More significant in attracting support from hitherto neutral clans and in persuading Covenanting clans to adopt a neutral standpoint was the spread of episcopalianism during the Restoration era, which not only provided a religious complement to the hierarchical nature of clanship, but inculated a spirit of obedience and submission to royal authority throughout Gaeldom. Accordingly, the replacement of James VII by William of Orange was interpreted as a breach of patriarchal duty by Gaelic poets for whom the sundering of genealogical continuity imperilled the lawful exercise of government which, in turn, subverted the maintenance of a just political order. Far from being tyrannical or oppressive, James VII had won a favourable press from the clans. When duke ofYork, he had instituted the commission for pacifying the Highlands in 1682 which, for the next three years, had sought the co-operation of chiefs and leading gentry in maintaining law and order. This commission represented a brief, but welcome, respite from the grasping and intimidatory policies of successive regimes in the Restoration era which had sought to tarnish the Highlands as an area of endemic lawlessness in order to maintain a standing army and facilitate the collection of onerous taxes. Moreover, James !"tad proved notably responsive in redressing the 148
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/149 Clan support for the house ofStuart acquisitiveness of the house of Argyle. Although the marquis had VII in 1689. Only the MacAllisters declared for the Whigs, as been executed in 1661, when his son Archibald was restored as earlier for the Covenanters, before switching sides. ninth earl two years later he embarked upon a credit squeeze that The 27 clans that declared unequivocally for the Jacobite revived his father's policy of forcing heavily indebted chiefs and cause demonstrated not just an increased willingness to support the leading gentry to accept the feudal superiority of their house. By royal house at the outset of campaigning, but also masked a exploiting the legal technicalities ofpublic and private indebtedness, pronounced movement of 10 clans in favour of James VII with a Argyle even had chiefs and leading gentry of the Macleans of Duart loss of 4 former supporters of Charles I. The only Royalist clan expropriated from Tiree, Mull and Morven by 1679. Six years actually to declare for the Whigs were the Mackays, principally later, when the ninth earl rebelled against the accession of James because one of their leading gentry, major-general Hugh Macrae of VII who had engineered his forfeiture in 1681, over 4000 clansmen Scourbie, commanded William of Orange's forces in Scotland. under the command ofJohn Murray, marquis of Atholl, drawn from Although the MacDonnells of Antrim opted to concentrate their clans throughout Gaeldom, but predominantly from the victims of political energies on Irish affairs, a small contingent from the Isle Argyle's acquisitiveness, systematically ravaged mid-Argyll, Cowal of Rathlin served with the Kintyre clans fighting for James VII. Of and Kintyre. This "Atholl Raid" gave a foretaste of the simple the 2S clans who maintained the same political standpoint towards antipathy to the restoration of the house ofArgyle at the Revolution. -\,1 0 1 Mackays (Strathnaver) Clans within Campbell spheres of influence who had switched their U 2 Sinclairs (Caithness) allegiance in the course of the civil war declared for James 3 Macleods of Assynt 4 Sutherland Men (Gordons and Gunns) 5 Rosses (Easter RosslDomoch Firth) 6 Mackenzies (Ross and Lewis) 7 Munras (Easter Ross/Cromarty Firth) 8 Chisholms (Strathglass) 9 Frasers (Strathconon, Strathfarrar and Stratherrick) 10 Mackintoshes and Clan Chattan (Strathnaim, Strathdearn and the Braes of Angus) 11 Campbells of Cawdor (and Islay) 12 Grants (Glenmoriston, Glenurquhart and Speyside including Ballindalloch) 13 Gordons (Glenlivet and Strathdon) 14 MacGregors (Strathavon, Deeside with Stewarts, and the Trossachs) 15 Macphersons (Badenoch) 16 Farquharsons (Braemar) ~17 MacDonalds of Sleat (with Trotternish and North Vist) ~fm"" 18 Macleods of Raasay 19 Macleods of Dunvegan (with Harris and Glenelg) 20 Mackinnons (Strathswordale) 21 MacRaes (Kintail) 22 MacDonalds of Glengarry (with Knoydart and North Morar) 23 MacDonalds of Clanranald (Moidart, Arisaig, South Morar, Small Isles, Benbecula and South Vist) 24 Camerans (Lochaber and Sunart) 25 MacDonalds of Keppoch (Braes of Lochaber) 26 Menzies (Lochtayside) 27 Atholl Men (Stewarts, Murrays and Fergussons) 28 Robertsons (Rannoch) 29 MacNeills of Barra 30 Macleans of Coli (and Muck) 31 Macleans of Duart (with Tiree and Morvem) 32 Macleans of Ardgour 33 Stewarts of Appin 34 MacDonalds of Glencoe 35 Cambells of Glenorchy (Lome and Breadalbane) ""'--36 Maclaines of Lochbuie 37 MacDougalls (Dunnolly, Firth of Lome and Craignish) 38 MacNabs (Glendochart) 39 Campbells of Argyle (with Kintyre, Colonsay, Jura and Ardnamurchan Cl Divided 40 MacNaughtons (Glenaray, Glenshirra ... Jacobite and Glenfyne) .:-:.:. Whig 41 Macfarlanes (Arrochar and Glenfalloch) Switched 42 Maclachlans (Stathlachlan and Glendaruel) Neutral 43 Lamont (Kyles of Bute and Cowal) ~ Battles 44 MacAllisters (Tarbert and Knapdale) 45 MacDonalds of Largie 46 MacNeills of Gigha and Taynish (and Mull of Kintyre with MacDonalds of Sandal . 47 MacDonnells of Antrim (including the Rathlin Isles). Clan support for the Stuarts: the Scottish civil war 1644 to 1647 AIM 149
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/150 Clan support for the house ofStuart :> the house of Stuart, 17 loyal to Charles I remained loyal to James Jacobite rising than during the civil war was borne out by the split VII, albeit the MacDonalds of Keppoch remained apart from the allegiance of Grants and the Atholl Men. Whereas the majority of Grants main contingent ofJacobite forces, being more committed to plunder in Strathspey followed their chief in declaring for William of Orange, than military campaigning. The Mackintoshes, against whom they the Grants of Ballindalloch consistently adhered to the Jacobite cause fought the last clan battle at Mulroy on the braes of Lochaber in while the Grants in Glenmoriston and Glenurquhart, after an intimidatory August 1688, were the only clan to remain neutral during the Jacobite measure of persuasion from neighbours, switched in favour of James rising as during the civil war. No more "than 3 clans committed to VII. Although the marquis distanced himself from commitment to either the Covenanting cause sided with William of Orange, albeit 12 cause, a small contingent of Atholl Men supported the Whigs at the actually fought exclusively for the former and 8 for the latter. The instigation of his eldest son, Lord Murray; but the majority switched to most notable loss arose from the breaking of ranks within the Clan Jacobitism in the aftermath of Killiecrankie under the leadership of his Campbell. Not only did clansmen in territories appropriated by the second son, Lord James. While the extension of civil war between as Campbells in the course of the seventeenth century fail to adhere to well as among the clans was the most innovatory feature of the first the Whig cause, but the principal cadet, John Campbell of Jacobite rising, the MacKenzies and their associates were again affliCted Glenorchy, recently ennobled as the earl of Breadalbane, affIrmed by inept leadership. Although Jacobite in sympathy they were neutral his political independence of the house of Argyle by remaining by default because Kenneth, fourth earl of Seaforth, dallied with James neutral. That family solidarity was less pronounced during the first VII on his Irish venture. When Seaforth belatedly returned to rally his clansmen in the spring of 1690, the discredit of the Irish offIcers commanding the Jacobite clans was all but complete. It is important to stress, in conclusion, that the clans were contained rather than defeated in the course of the first Jacobite rising. That the Whig government should instigate the massacre of MacDonalds of Glencoe in February 1692, because of the technical default of their aged chief in making timely acceptance of its offer of indemnity, served to consolidate support among the clans for the exiled house of Stuart. Royalist Covenanting Switched Neutral Battle Clan support for the Stuarts: the first Jacobite rising 1689 to 1690 AIM 150
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/151 The 1707 Union: support and opposition The treaty of union of 1707 was the product of diplomatic brinkmanship, military intimidation and political manipulation on the part of an English ministry intent on an incorporating parliamentary union and of economic defeatism, financial chicanery and political ineptitude on the part of Scottish politicians intent on personal advantage from the loss of national independence. By 1702, Anglo-Scottish relations were crystallizing into constitutional crisis which made the continuance of the regal union no longer a viable political option. The thirteen-year rule ofWilliam of Orange had witnessed the blatant sacrificing of Scottish trade on the altar of English foreign policy. The death of the last surviving child of Anna, the new queen, and the recognition of the lacobite pretender as lames VIII and III by Louis XIV of France, meant there was a real danger that the current continental imbroglio, the war of the Spanish succession, would spill over into the war of the British succession. In the event, Anglo-Scottish hostilities were restricted to a legislative war. The English parliament having passed the act of settlement in 1701, unilaterally vesting the succession on the house of Hanover, the Scottish estates retaliated with a tripartite package in 1703. The act of security and the wine act upheld respectively the independent right of the Scottish estates to fix the succession and authorise trade with France; the act meant peace and asserted the estates' right to assume an independent foreign policy on the death of Queen Anne. The Scottish bluff was called in 1705 when the English parliament passed the alien act which threatened to treat Scots as foreigners unless the Hanoverian succession was accepted unequivocally by the estates. At the same time, the Scottish estates were invited to resume the discussions for a closer union which had been an early casualty of the ·Iegislative war. Economic and social factors played an important part in persuading Scottish politicians, in particular the aristocratic factions which dominated parliamentary politics, to treat for union. There was undoubtedly an aura of economic defeatism in the country at large occasioned by the swallowing up of Scottish venture capital in the Darien fiasco and compounded by five years of intensive dearth and famine that ended in 1700. More immediately, the alien act had posed a direct challenge to the rent-rolls of the aristocracy which depended heavily on open access to English markets for such commodities as coal, linen and, a~ove all, livestock. That I in 7 Scottish nobles had English wives at the resumption of negotiations, testifies not only the their steady assimilation into the British ruling class, but also to their growing dependence on the English marriage market to build up disposable income. Notwithstanding these factors, the accomplishment of union within two years must be attributed primarily to political considerations. The English ministry guiding the queen had a clearly defined objective -an incorporating parliamentary union to shut permanently the Scottish back-door to military invasion by a foreign power. The English treasury was prepared to advance £20,000 sterling (£240,000 Scots) to influence voting in the Scottish estates. For their part, the Scottish estates, though initially not inclined to accept a parliamentary union, were unable to sustain a common front in support of alternative options which ranged from complete separation to federalism. Moreover, politicians across the political spectrum were becoming conditioned to seek the support and c1ientage of the English ministry in their competitive drive for office. The Court party, which had favoured shoring up the regal union until its leader, the duke of Queensberry, was threatened with loss of backing by the English ministry, espoused parliamentary union in a salvage operation to retain office. Opposed to the Court was the Country, not so much a party as a confederation. At the one extreme was a rump ofconstitutional reformers, the only principled opponents of parliamentary union, who were intent on freeing Scotland from the shackles of aristocratic privilege as of the English ministry. At the other extreme were the lacobites, the one political grouping prepared to condone the military option, but weakened by the defection of episcopalians who placed the prospect of toleration before the restoration of the house of Stuart. The dominant grouping within the Country was the old party frustrated placemen and the disappointed investors in Darien, led by a quixotic vacillator, the duke of Hamilton, whose indecisiveness occasioned this defection of aristocratic associates, the formation of the new party -known as the "flying Squadron' or the "Squadrone Volante" for their desperate pursuit of office -and, most crucially, the choice of commissioners to treat for an incorporating union being left to the queen not the estates. As a result, the twenty-four articles of the treaty of union presented for the approval of the Scottish estates on 3 October 1706, were not so much the fruits of diplomatic negotiations as the dictates of the English ministry. To underline the seriousness of their intent, the English ministry had moved troops to Berwick and northern Ireland to be held within striking distance of Edinburgh and the west of Scotland, the main areas of anticipated opposition to the union. From the crucial vote on the first article of union on 4 November, which revealed a majority of 33 in favour of a united kingdom of Great Britain, the Country confederation mounted a continuous barrage of protests and amendments to negate, alter and delay the passage of the remaining articles. Addresses against the union were also forthcoming from around half the shires (18) and about a third (21) of the royal burghs. Nonetheless, despite the general assembly of the Kirk expressing its reservations and the convention of royal burghs its outright opposition, the treaty was ratified on 16 January 1707, when the majority in favour was augmented to 41. In only two shires did the parliamentary commissioners respond positively to the addresses and vote solidly against the ratification. The burgh commissioners were no more responsive: eight continued to vote in favour of the union though one did abstain on the ratification. While these addresses were undoubtedly instigated and concerted by the parliamentary opposition, the Court party was unable to mobilize any addresses in favour of the union. Instead, its influence was applied, particularly in the Highlands and south-west, to suppress the endeavours of gentry and burgesses to petition against the union. Although the addresses led no significant shift in the voting pattern against ratification, their presentation enabled the Country confederation to claim that the treaty of union lacked public support, a claim given further plausibility by popular protests against the union and recalcitrant magistrates in the burghs of Glasgow,· Dumfries and Edinburgh and more convincingly, by sixty-two exceptional and unsolicited addresses from presbyteries (3), towns (9) and parishes (50), the latter usually in clusters. These addresses against the union came predominantly from west-central and southwestern Scotland, where local communities drew consciously on covenanting traditions of supplicating in support of religious and civil liberties. The extreme Cameronians in the south-west went so far as to submit their own eclectic band against the union. The leavening of petitions from around the firth of Forth, from communities involved in the burgeoning coal and salt industry, were also inspired, perhaps, by the union's threatened eradication of differential trading tariffs. The voting pattern for the first article and the final ratification is noteworthy not just for the demonstrable lack of response from the estates to public opinion as expressed through addresses and popular protests, but for the increase in abstentions and absentees, from 25 members at the vote on the first article to 46 on the ratification. In effect, the union was ratified by default rather than by an absolute majority. No more than 6 members actually switched sides at a net loss of 2 votes to the Country confederation yet, only 15 members abstained or were absent on both occasions. Thus, the increase in abstentions and absences masks considerable volatility in voting among the estates. The net loss to the Court party from such volatility was 8 votes as against 12 votes for the Country confederation. Equally, the Court vote was appreciably more resolute. 102 members voted for both the first article and the ratification; whereas only 59 members voted against both. The relative solidity of the Court party and the greater volatility in voting exhibited by adherents of the Country confederation cannot be dissociated from the politics of influence, or, less politely, bribery. The court, with the backing of the English ministry, was undoubtedly able to use the spoils of office to shore up its own voting and retain the commitment of aristocratic defectors, including the new party. The principal fund of influence was the advance of £20,000 sterling from the English treasury ostensibly to pay arrears of pensions and allowances from the civil list. Only 26 members of the estates eligible to vote actually received part payments of arrears. In only I instance did a recipient actually switch sides, though 2 opponents of the first article did abstain at the ratification of the treaty. More pertinently, 9 recipients had no apparent claim to arrears and another 6 were not required to 151
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/152 The 1707 Union: support and opposition acknowledge receipt for sums paid, fuelling suspicions that they of union rests with the inept political leadership of the Country were again reimbursed from the capital equivalent (of £308,085-confederation also, in particular with the duke of Hamilton, who 10/-) conceded to compensate Scottish interests materially personally sabotaged three manoeuvres to stem the parliamentary disadvantaged through alignment to higher English fiscal dues, tide running in favour of the Court. Following the estates' approval exchange rates and national debt. This expectation that over 58% of the first article, moves were set afoot to mobilize the political of the capital equivalent would be utilized to make reparations for extremes in the country, the Cameronians and the clans, to effect a venture capital lost at Oarien was a further powerful inducement coup d'etat. The order to rendezvous outside the town of Hamilton for members of the estates not to oppose the union. The bulk of the was countermanded peremptorily by the duke who had taken fright sum advanced for arrears of salary (£12,325 sterling) was placed at at the prospect of dissolving the estates by force of arms. Instead of the personal disposal of Queensberry, as the queen's commissioner the anticipated 7-8000 fighting men, less than 50 kept the to the estates, and was certainly distributed covertly, not only to rendezvous. Hamilton secreted himself in his mansion until the shore up the Court, but also to pay informers and, perhaps, agents potential insurgents dispersed leaderless. As the Court was now on provocateur in order to expose and discredit any recourse to the guard against the possibility of an armed rising, the opposition, military option by the parliamentary opposition or their adherents again inspired primarily by the Jacobites, decided upon a mass in the country. That the estates' proceedings on the union were lobby of parliament-house by the gentry who had submitted conducted against a continuous background of popular disturbances addresses from the shires against the union. Although over 500 in the capital and well-founded rumours of risings involving U Cameronians in the south-west and clans in the Highlands served ::;> also to justify the intimidatory presence of standing forces as a parliamentary guard to expedite the passage and ratification of the ? treaty. But the accomplishment of parliamentary union cannot wholly be attributed to the politics of influence and military intimidation nor even to the Court's concession of an act within the treaty confirming the Presbyterian establishment, a political masterstroke which removed the Kirk as the galvaniser of addresses against the union from presbyteries and local communities. A large measure of responsibility for the eventual ratification of the treaty Pe r t h Lanark Addresses against the Union: counties • Addresses against the Union: royal burghs o Addresses against the Union: other towns Civil opposition to the Union 0 I 0 25 , 10 20 kms 50 ,, 30 miles 75, , 50 100 , , 60 AIM 152
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/153 The 1707 Union: support and opposition gentry were mobilized to demand that the estates suspend proceedings until the queen be acquainted with the true extent of public antipathy towards the union, the lobby was forestalled by Hamilton's insistence that any address to the Crown must acknowledge the Hanoverian succession. The same condition was later repeated by Hamilton to renege on his commitment to present a protest against the estates proceeding to ratify the treaty. This protest was intended as a prelude to the wholesale secession of the Country confederation from the estates, a tactic used successfully to scupper proposals for union in 1702, in order to force a general election in which the Court would be obliged to campaign for specific mandate to ratify the treaty of union. Thus, the shortfall of 17 votes in the number opposin'g ratification as against those opposing the first article was essentiallY~' refleW". ~~~bi" Dunipace Denny Caddere Caputh Alyth Lethendy Kinloch disillusionment with the duke of Hamilton. Two months after the treaty of union had been ratified with comparative ease in English parliament, the parliamentary incorporation of Scotland into the united kingdom came into force on I May 1707. The accomplishment of union resulted in a drastic reduction in the number of voting members in the last session of the Scottish estates eligible to sit in both houses at Westminster. In the ~;roll d' K;;~~7rde Inchture Langforgan St. Madoes Kinfauns Lords, the representation of Scottish peers was reduced from 7 to 6. In the Commons, the gentry as shire commissioners d d f 82 were re uce rom to 30 and the burgesses from 66 to 15. Ultimately, therefore, the treaty of union was a self-inflicted act of political laceration on the part of the Scottish • Addresses against the Union: individual parishes o Addresses against the Union: clusters of parishes (with names of parishes alongside) Ecclesiastical/parochial opposition to the Union Total Voting Membership -225 First Article (4 November, 1706) Ratification (16 January, 1707) Voting pattern: treaty of Union AIM 153
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/154 Scotland and the New World In 1621 lames VI granted to Sir William Alexander the lands in Canada between the English lands of Newfoundland and New England and up to the St Lawrence. Later the crown granted baronies of 16,000 acres from land that Alexander surrendered from his grant. Quite separately, in 1628. Charles created in his favour a strip ofland lOO leagues across North America, but not extending to lands ~Approximate boundary of Lordship ~and Lieutenancy of Nova Scotia,1621 ,.,.... effectively possessed by the king or other Christian princes in league with the king. The charter apparently proceeds on the representation of the area by Ortelius whose map does not show the Great Lakes. and has the St Lawrence rising in the modem states of Indiana or Illinois. The two lordships did not endure and succumbed to the rivalries of the European powers. \ '"Approximate boundary of Lordship of Canada,1628 -.... ,J • Erroneous course of upper ••• St Lawrence (Ortelius) NEW FRANCE Lands possessed by kings and princes of Europe Lordship of Nova Scotia: the lordship of Canada PGBM 154
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/155 Scotland and the New World In general, people associate Scottish settlement in early seventeenth Worcester 1650-1651. After the Restoration, the Scottish Privy century America with Nova Scotia and overlook the virtually permaCouncil followed the English precedent by banishing crintinals, nent Scottish presence in the contemporary West Indies, which had social undesirables and religious dissidents to the English Plantaa far greater impact on the society and economy of Scotland. tions in the West Indies. Its records outline numerous requests by The earliest mention of a Scottish merchant ship leaving for merchant-skippers for felons to be shipped to the English colonies. the West Indies is 1611. In 1626 a Scotsman, lames Hay, earl of Scottish indentured servants were also sailing via the English ports Carlisle, was first to be appointed by Charles I as Proprietor of of London, Bristol and Liverpool. During the 1660s the Dutch Barbados. Subsequently a number of Scots were sent there as islands ofCuracao, Saba and St Eustacia also were home to numbers administrators. William Powrie, planter from Peebles was one such. of Scots. By the 1680s serious consideration was being given to the There is evidence of direct trade links between Scotland and Barbaestablishment of an independent Scots colony in the West Indies, but dos, Martinique and other Caribbean islands during the 1630s and this plan did not come to fruition. I 640s, which led to settlement by merchants and planters. The The Scottish connection began with small scale success in English Civil War led to a marked increase in the numbers of Scots Barbados but ended in large scale failure in Darien. These links, in these islands because of the transportation of hundreds ofScottish however, were the foundation ofthe substantial trade and settlement prisoners-of war by Cromwell after the battles of Dunbar and in the following century. CuffofMexico· Atlantic Ocean o ~Bahamas (1) Co ~ D ~~, Anguilla (2) (3) r----"'J '00 to \..--' t? t7 (\I"\,~ 0 Antigua (2) (3) :
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/156 Scotland and the New World Darien was the name given to the entire isthmus now known as Panama. It was the Spanish province in central America between Veragua and New Granada; but the name came to be applied later to the smaller area between the Gulf of S Miguel on the east and the Gulf of Uraba on the west. This is where the Scottish settlement was. After 1321, Panama became a province of the independent republic ofColombia; and in 1903, Panama, with the backing of the United States of America, declared itself to be a separate republic. Now, the republic is divided into nine provinces of which two are Panama and Darien; and part of the original Darien is still within the republic of Colombia. There are other places called Darien: Santa Maria Antiqua del Darien, known as "Darien", is situated on the western shore of the Gulf of Ubara: it was the first Spanish settlement on the American mainland (1509). There are other Dariens on the river Tuva, and in the modem Canal Zone. (These places are seldom marked on modem maps.) The project of a passage across central America at the point chosen by the Scots was no more fanciful than the passage from Colon to (Old) Panama which the Spaniards used for three centuries. The Spaniards had tried the Darien passage before and the English were considering a colony there. Across the Serrania del Darien, was the river Tuira, which was navigable for 100 miles of its length of 190 miles. In 1698, the Scottish colonists landed near Punta Escoces and founded a colony called New Caledonia: its capital was New Edinburgh and its fort, New St Andrews. In February 1700 the Scots with Indian allies defeated a Spanish force at Tubuganti, but were themselves besieged by the Spaniards and had to surrender to them in March. That was the end of the Darien project. The expedition left some Scottish effect on the place-names of central America: Punta Escoces, Caledonia Bay and the Caledonian Mountains. Europe, 5,000 miles Central America: modem political divisions CALEDONIAN MOUNTAINS Panama __--O-ld-P~anama Bay ofPanama VERAGUA 8°·----------~~_+--------~~----~~----------~~~~--~~~_r----------- GRANADA East Indies, 11 ,000 miles '" Navigable part of River Tuira V ERA G U A Provinces of the Spanish Empire o Possible location of Tubuganti Darien o b miles kms 3.0 50 PGBM 156
medieval-atlas/events-from-about-850-to-1460/157 157
medieval-atlas/administration/158 Administration Place-dates of royal charters to 1296 The practice of adding a date of place (i.e. 'given, datum. at Edinburgh') to written acts or charters authenticated by the king's seal seems to have begun in Scotland early in the twelfth century, possibly as early as the reign of AlexanderI (1107-24). By the later years of David I (1124-53) it was unusual to omit the place-date. A date of time, in the form of the day of the month only, was added from 1195, the year being added about 1222. There are occasional examples oftime-dates (normally indicating the year only) in royal acts from David I's reign onwards, almost certainly supplied by ecclesiastical beneficiaries who were more conscious ofchronology Malcolmill 1057-93 I EDGAR I ALEXANDER I I DAVID I 1107-1124 1124-53 MALCOLM IV 1153-65 Marjorie ROBERTII (1371-90) ROBERTill (1390-1406) JAMES I (1406-37) JAMES 11 (1437-60) JAMESill (1460-88) JAMES IV (1488-1513) JAMES V (1513-42) Earl Henry WILLIAMI (1l65r214) ALEXANDER II (1214-49) ALEXANDER ill (1249-86) Margaret Margaret, Maid of Norway 1286-90 DAVID 11 (1329-71) DAVID, duke of Rothesay, Lieutenant 1399-1402 than their lay contemporaries. Clearly, the provision ofa place-date gives the historian extremely valuable information about the areas and places where king and court were normally located, although a word of caution is necessary in respect of these maps. Firstly, the mappable place-dates are obviously only those recorded in acts whose texts (whether in original or in copy) happen to survive. Secondly, and particularly in the earlier period, the king would tend to be asked for brieves and charters mainly in those parts ofhis realm where this kind of documentation was familiar and in regular use. Margaret DervorguiIla m John Balliol JOHN (1292-96) d.1314 Edward Balliol d.1363 ROBERT, duke of Albany, Lieutenant 1402-6, Governor 1406-20 MURDOCH duke of Albany, Governor 1420-4 JOHN Isabel Genealogical table: Malcolm III to James V 158 GWSB David, earl of Huntingdon Isabel m. Robert Bruce Robert Bruce Robert Bruce, earl of Carrick ROBERT I (1306-29) Rulers who issued acts mapped Others PGBM
medieval-atlas/administration/159 Place-dates ofroyal charters to 1296 The accident of survival means that the place dates shown form only safe evidence that the kings never set foot there, although the maps a small proportion of the places recorded by the royal scribes of the allow a reasonable inference that the court spent more time in the period, as well as reflecting the unbalanced pattern of survival of eastern and southern lowlands, especially between Forfar and the royal acts as a whole. For example, the loss of record relating to Tweed, than in other regions. A few localities in northern England almost all the religious houses of south-western Scotland (except are included to demonstrate the Scottish interest in Northumberland Paisley) is undoubtedly reflected in the noticeable absence of placeand English Cumbria during the twelfth century. Place-dates -not dates in this area. Further, if acts were issued only where sought, then shown here-also illustrate the lordship of the midland English the virtual absence of place-dates throughout the Highlands is not honour of Huntingdon enjoyed by the Scots kings for much of the period. 3scone Perth 5 ~ • AbernethYlt-StAndrews ®-Kinro~ Dunfermline 12 • Kinghorn(?)'Eldbottle @ ®~- Glasgow Edinburgh Haddington ~COldingham ~ /~ • Earlston Norham 2 Peebles . 2 Irvi_n_er-"~~ 3 ~." ./Traquair . 7 Ro~~:~rgh ............ Staplegordon .... //: ® Carlisle • Lamplugh Places where acts were issued kms 0 25 50 75 100 • One act , ,, , , , , ® Number of acts where more than one I 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Place-dates to 1153 GWSB 159
medieval-atlas/administration/160 Place-dates ofroyal charters to 1296 peebles~ r yTraquair ;%:k~ /~, ...
medieval-atlas/administration/161 Place-dates ofroyal charters to 1296 Forres /@"Elgin Nairn/'{'® '-'Y Auldearn Inverness L!?nfo~an Scon i' ~Perth 46 Forteviot • 8 SI Andrews ® Auchtermuchty ~Clackmannan . lKimoss ~ @) 1KinghO~ Linlithgow ® 34 @ Haddington Edinburgh/"Restalrig .... 5 Berwick upon Tweed Stow® .' . Lanark 14 ~ ! Norha ::::~, __~Traquair ~ '.. reebles_~ ~roe \. 0/sel~ 14 RoxbW9h ~; S, ".~.'"'" ' ""'"//::"' \ .' Donkley Dumfries 2 Haugh • Carlisle kmsPlaces where acts were issued o 25 50 75 100 , , • One act I ,, , , , ® Number of acts where more than one 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Place-dates: William I (1165-1214) GWSB 161
medieval-atlas/administration/162 Place-dates ofroyal charters to 1296 Alexander 11 directed his attention towards asserting royal authority in the outer reaches of the kingdom more fully than had any of his twelfth-century predecessors. But little of the king's vigorous policy can in fact be recovered simply by mapping the placedates of his extant written acts. Quite apart from the general limitations of such evidence, there are two specific considerations to bear in mjnd. First, Alexander's military campaigns in ~ Galloway, Argyll, Moray and Caithness were effective but brief, and it is unlikely that many royal acts could j:>r Forres 2 have been issued on these occasions. ~ Second, it seems clear that the king Inverness endeavoured to consolidate military gains not through regular personal itin eration but primarily by delegating royal authority and power to trusted subordinates like the de Moravias in Strathnaver and Sutherland, Farquhar Mactaggart in Ross and North Argyll, the Comyns in Badenoch, Lochaber and Galloway, and the Stewarts in Cowal and Bute. Arguably the most significant place-date is the island of Kerrera, at the entrance to Oban Bay, ~ where a charter was issued on 8 July 1249 while Alexander lay dying dur-~ ing a great naval expedition to the ~Kenmore~ ...Alyth --@Forfar west. At the time of his sudden death, / 8 Clume not only had he secured control of the K I 3 . Coupar Angus 3 S ~ -IOC aven 2 Barry Kerrera ~ 18 Scone 3 Dyndee . 8 3 Balmerino western seaboard from KIntyre to Perth ~ Ardnamurchan, but he may also have Kinfauns . ~St Andrews been on the verge of annexing the ~ ~upar Western Isles, then under Norwegian ~""'~ ® ' Kinross hegemony. Yet in general the place-Stirli;"7' Clackmannan . dates reveal a pattern of royal soiourns 'E!./ 3 Dunfermline K' h J , 2 • Ing orn ....---........ concentrated in the eastern lowlands Inverkeithing jLUffneSs~T . between the English border and the Linlithgow@ HoIYJ.2,0d ... ymng,hame Mounth, that is not dissimilar to ~ Kirkliston• . /~" • Haddlngton~ . William the Lion's, save that Edin-• Glasgow Edinburgh@) Musselburgh • ColdlOgham burgh (occupied by Angevin castellans ?atCadzow / Newbattle . ®.. Berwick upon Tweed from 1175 to 1186) had eVidently re-/ ~ .. ' ~ sumed its position as the principal seat L k / 4anar~ .' of government. Alexander's negotia-~fr.__ ..~. Peebles Melrose \. tions with Henry III account fortwo of ~ TraqU~® 124 Kel~o • Belford j ~ ~ Selkirk@ fu Roxburgh \ r® Ayr /' Ancrum'W ........ the English place-dates shown, and / Jedbur~h these serve as a useful remmder that .' peaceful relations with England were ......./ ........ fundamental to the successful assertion of royal authority in the north and .' ~ west. Off the map are York and Ac-.' crington. ~~ ~Dis:i~gton,(' "'-" -~. Newcastle Places where acts were issued kms o 25 50 75 100 • One act , , , , I , , ® Number of acts where more than one 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Place-dates: Alexander 11 (1214-49) KJS 162
medieval-atlas/administration/163 Place-dates ofroyal charters to 1296 It may be significant that. with one exception (Kincardine 1251), no acts survive from the minority years ( 1249-59) place-dated in the north or south west of the country. In 1260, however, when the king was assuming personal control of government, his single act dated at Inverness appears. Possibly this act, and another close in date from Durris, are the remaining evidence, ofa royal progress to assert the young king's authority. Thereafter, northern place-dates are not unusual: the king, although not far-travelled, does appear to have visited the north-east with some regularity. In general the surviving place-date evidence is consistent in its distribution with earlier reigns. Thereign was above all a period ofconsolidation. Relatively few of Alexander's acts are new grants: a high proportion are confirmations. The scarcity of his acts may therefore be an indication of the stable and consolidatory nature of the reign. Aboyne J3V3I Kincardine ~_ I.:V~ ~@Durris srechinl Montrose Grandtully tA\ \ ~~FOrfar Dunkeld Coupar Angus • • Kinclaven ~Dundee 4 Scone-.,......=-' J 3 • Lin~es--.-St Andrews ~ \ cupa~crall Largo 2 Klng(rn~ · I'th ® Holyrood ~ L In I gow ~I ® Haddlngton Edlnburgh ...r'@ • Yester / ,J Newbattle Cadzow .. Machan ~Lanark ~M;rose jTraquair @~2 -../ Selkirk ® ) l Places where acts were issued • One act o I® Number of acts where more than one o Place-dates: Alexander III (1249-86) 25 , 10 20 kms 50 ,, 30 miles 75, , 50 100 , , 60 NHR 163
medieval-atlas/administration/164 Place-dates ofroyal charters to 1296 The committee of guardianship which ruled Scotland from 1286 until 1292 had no easy task. To keep the wheels of government turning, whilst refraining from jeopardising the rights of the Crown which they represented cannot have been simple. Their unique and spectacular seal ofgovernment is perhaps symbolic of their constitutional difficulty: they had the authority ofthe nation -a conceptual entity -which was impressive in tenns of national identity, but was hardly a strong legal basis for the authority oftheir dictate. Their acts were thus limited to the strictly necessary. 0 grants ofland survive, and the vast majority of their acts are brieves regarding overdue payments, settlement ofdisputed and other legal matters, or concern the negotiations aimed at settling Scotland's constitutional problems. As for the distribution of the acts, half of those which bear place-dates were made in Edinburgh. A few acts specify that only some of the guardians were present, which may indicate that normally the whole group, or at least a majority, met to conduct the business of government in committee on a fairly regular basis, nonnally in Edinburgh. The group ofacts place-dated on the border with England were all made during either the period of negotiation leading to the treaty of Birgham (1290) or the 'Great Cause' (129192). ? ® H"'''''''"~ • 3 KeIS~. Roxburgh ...//..~/" \.l kms o 25 50 75 100 ,, ,, I , , , Places where acts were issued • One act 20 30 40 50 60 ® Number of acts where more than one 0 10 miles Place-dates: the Guardians 1286 to 1292 NHR 164
medieval-atlas/administration/165 Place-dates ofroyal charters to 1296 John's short reign (1292-6) has left few acts ofgovernment. Although the nature of these acts indicates that he was concerned with all aspects of the realm's administration, their place-date distribution is very limited. He did attempt to exert control over the western seaboard, through the creation of sheriffdoms, but there is no evidence that he went there in person. The single act emanating from the south-west concerns the election to the bishopric of Whithorn, and ~-v-Stirling three of the four documents place-dated to the north of Dundee relate to John's submission to Edward I in 1296; John, then, was not fartravelled in his pursuit of the day-to-day business of government. This was presumably as a result of the brevity of his reign, in the course of which he had little chance to travel widely. Not shown on the map, of course, are several acts place-dated in Newcastle upon Tyne and London, which relate to the king's troubled relationship with Edward I. ~®Kincardine ~'":'.ro. Brechin TraQu-7Newark ROXbu~,?h ® ..' Jedburg'h .... ...... .... ,/ ~'"' .' Cl ..' Places where acts were issued kms • One act o 25, 50 75 100 ,, , , , ® Number of acts where more than one I o 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Place-dates: John (1292-96) NHR 165
medieval-atlas/administration/166 Place-dates of Robert I (1306-29) Very few documents were issued by the king in this period when he documents. e.g. Scotland well 1313. Dundee 1313. probably reprehad little control over Scotland south of the Forth. Some groups of sent councils or parliaments. Inchture and St Andrews were places where parliaments were held. Loch Broom not shown ~Q""k"~ ( Inchlure 6 Dundee ~co~e
medieval-atlas/administration/167 Place-dates ofRobert 1(1306-29) This map covers the period between Bannockbum and the king's moved round monasteries and other royal centres, never going north departure for Ireland. The Irish invasion was planned at an assembly of the Mounth. The chancellor was the abbot of Arbroath which at Ayr(l315) and in 1316a parliament was held at Edinburgh, where probably explains the large number dated there. Probably they do not many charters were issued. There is little trace of the campaigns of represent the king's whereabouts. war except in the documents issued from the Tweed valley. The king Cambuskenneth f Fairnile~®• nverkeithing Dumbarton Edinburgh • Rutherglen ~ r Carnwath ~ • Park.of Duns J 2'M£I!ose ' ( .... I -:7~:b"~:i> .....•..' Places where acts were issued kms One act o 25 , 50 , 75 100 • I i i i i® Number of acts where more than one , o 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Place-dates: Robert I November 1314 to February 1317 AAMD 167
medieval-atlas/administration/168 Place-dates ofRobert I (1306-29) Berwick fell in April 1318 and the king was much concerned with its acts is dated, while Arbroath dates probably represent the chanceldefence until a two-year truce was made in December 1319. A lor's (and not the king's) presence. The number of small places of parliament was held at Scone in December 1318 at which a group of issue and the scarcity of northern dates remains remarkable. Culien • Haddington2 S3lasgow 3 Newbattle · Penicuik / .' 41 Berwick upon Tweed 0~ee~bles .~se. \:/ Kelso /l~ Ayr ~ //=~~' .... Places where acts were issued kms • o 25 50 75 100 One act , , I ,, , , , ® Number of acts where more than one 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Place-dates: Robert 1 1 March 1317 to 3 August 1323 AAMD 168
medieval-atlas/administration/169 Place-dates ofRobert 1(1306-29) The period covered in this map is the time ofthe truce (1323 to 1327) 1325 appears the first act dated at Cardross where a new manor house and the campaign year of 1327 which scarcely shows at all. In 1325 was built; when the king stayed there, some financial business seems a parliament was held at Scone and in 1326 at Cambuskenneth. In to have centred on Glasgow. The smaller places were often hunting lodges. J Clunle ~perth Cardross ~GlaSgOW Berwick upon Tweed 59)M< l ~/i ... ~ kmsPlaces where acts were issued o 25 50 75 100 • One act , ,, , , ,, ® Number of acts where more than one 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles (Glendun, in Ulster, not shown.) Place-dates: Robert I 10 August 1323 to 16 February 1328 AAMD 169
medieval-atlas/administration/170 P!o,ce-dates ofRobert I (1306-29) Summary of 1308 to 1329 The changed distribution represents the king's illness including his pilgrimage by sea from Cardross to Whithorn. He was at Edinburgh for the March 1328 parliament but the other eastern places very probably represent the chancellor's or the chamberlain's wherea bouts. The chancellor was no longer the abbot of Arbroath. The small inset is a composite of the preceding five maps. It shows the .J distribution of the places at which Robert I granted acts over his reign. Most of the places are in the low lying parts of Scotland. ,', Places where acts were issued by Robert 1308 to 1329 Cardross ~GlaSgOW Berwick upon Tweed Places where acts were issued • One act ® Number of acts where more than one (Larne Lough in Ulster not shown.) o I o Place-dates: Robert I 1328 to 1329 10 25 , 20 kms 50 i i 30 miles 75 i i 50 100 ,i 60 AAMD 170
medieval-atlas/administration/171 Place-dates: David 11 to James V It is obvious that the patterns in this series of maps differ from each other. It is not so easy to be sure what these difference; mean. An act was sealed by the king's clerks, but the date in the text may not be when and where this was actually done. Sometimes charters were issued under a warrant from the king. If so. it seems that they would normally bear the date of the warrant. which was probably when and where the king actually ordered the grant. Most royal grants. however. were formal. for example, confirmations of land transfers, which often did not involve the king at all. Such routine documents may well bear the actual date of issue; and it follows that their dates tell us nothing ofthe king's movements. Thus, the maps may reflect quite complex relationships between rulers and clerks. rather than the (1371-90) and Robert III (1390-1406) issued more acts than anyone else in Renfrewshire and Ayrshire. The governors' acts bunch more in Fife. In both cases the distribution follows the ruler's personal lands. The Stewarts' territories were in Renfrewshire and Ayrshire; and the dukes of Albany had their main ba;e in Fife. But we must be cautious. Kings may go where they do not issue charters: James I certainly penetrated the Highlands though he issued no acts there, and the king's authority may be recognised well outside areas that he visits. Landowners in the Highlands and the Borders sometimes sought royal charters to support their titles. even if those charters were issued at Edinburgh or elsewhere in the Lowlands. whereabouts of the king at any given time. An example may illustrate the kind of questions that arise. In the second half of David's reign and under James I and 11 . acts issued at Edinburgh amount to around oreven more than halfall issued. Under some other rulers, particularly the governors (1406-24), there are proportionately far fewer. This may mean that David and the Jameses spent a lot of their time in Edinburgh or that Edinburgh was becoming the fixed seat of government. If Edinburgh was becoming the fixed seat of government, one may ask what happened under those rulers when the proportion of acts issued at Edinburgh falls; it may mean that the centre of government was elsewhere, perhaps less fixed; or that there was less routine government. Some aspects of the distribution of acts may reveal territorial limitations in the structure of royal government. The almost complete absence of place-dates in the Highlands, certainly to the north and west of the Great Glen. and the small number issued in the Borders and the south-west, surely indicates that the kings in this period tended to concentrate their activities in the central Lowlands, Fife and Angus. Some variations seem personal. Robert [[ Dumbarton _ ~. /f.if • _1910 Kinloss ) ~'" Restenn.=th • Dunnlchen ~Arbroath DU'ldee Dunbar 9 3 Edlnb7HOIyrOod ~Lanark Places where acts were issued kms o 25 50 75 100 , , • One act I ,, , , , ® Number of acts where more than one o 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Place-dates: David 11 1329 to 1346 BW 171
medieval-atlas/administration/172 Place-dates: David 11 to lames V ~Stirling Glasgow / Lanark Dumfries • S,!!!!etheart Abbey PIices where acts were issued ® One act o I Number of acts where more than one o Place-dates: David 11 1357 to 1371 25 , 10 20 kms 50 i i 30 miles 75 i i 50 100 i , 60 BW 172
medieval-atlas/administration/173 Place-dates: David 11 to lames V 5 Aberdeen ~Nuide ~_ Kincardine Gle~ee.. ~ \® " inneff " ® Glen Prosen nverbervre 2 &e-chiri 3 Montrose 3 Cambuskenneth 34 ~ " Dunfermline Strrl~~ @:l-",::;.(t) Kinghorn "" ""~v!t;feithing (' • 14 Dumbarton Lrnlrthgow® Leith~ /Y I rk Renfrew ~/Holyrood~nve rp ® ~ • EdinbuJ h I 11 RO~hesay \VGlasgow Calder / I ~ "C,mb". ~""'~ / ) Q ?~ ........... ///~ kmsPlices where acts were issued o 25 50 75 100 , , , , One act , , , ® Number of acts where more than one o 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Place-dates: Robert 11 (1371 -90) ALM 173
medieval-atlas/administration/174 Place-dates: David 11 to lames V Places where acts were issued kms o 25 50 75 100 , , • One act ,, , , , ® Number of acts where more than one I o 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Place-dates: Robert III April 1390 to April 1398 ALM 174
medieval-atlas/administration/175 Place-dates: David 11 to lames V I!! ~~s,;",", o ~ ~~rdross '7 Chnsswell ~umbarton Llnhthgow ® \'~ .. ~_~':ErSklne I.... Elhston 3 ~ I Rothesay 11 ~Renfre\,! IXCumbrae 2 • Elhston ~ 31rvlne .' rran 9 Dundonald-" " Places where acts were issued • One act ® Number of acts where more than one kms o 25 50 75 100 @ Falkland Acts of lieutenants for the king 1399~1406 I ,, , , , . o 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Place-dates: Robert III April 1398 to 1406 ALM 175
medieval-atlas/administration/176 Place-dates: David 11 to lames V While James I was a captive in England from 1406 to 1424, the 1296, the governors issued charters as a part of their administration kingdom was ruled by governors who were the next in succession of the realm. These acts are shown in the following maps. to the throne. As with the previous guardians between 1292 and Aberdeen • Famell Kinnell· . Cupar @Falkland Doun~Dunblane . Inchgall Stirling Touch • @ Dunfermlin . . . ~. 's-Inverkelthlng • Dumbarton CUI~ Edinb~rgh Seton · Haddington ~Renfrew Paisley Places where acts were issued kms • One act 0 25 50 , ,, ® Number of acts where more than one 0 10 20 30 miles Place-dates: Robert, duke of Albany, governor (1406-20) Dundee Places where acts were issued kms • One act 0 25 50 , ,, ® Number of acts where more than one I 0 10 20 30 miles Place-dates: Murdoch, duke of Albany, governor (1420-24) 176 75 100 , , , , 40 50 60 75, , 100 , , ALM
medieval-atlas/administration/177 Place-dates: David 11 to lames V Jie • Auchterhouse ~Stirting Linlithgow ® 186 3 Edinb/JHOlyrOOd Places where acts were issued • One act ® Number of acts where more than one o I o Place-dates: James I 1424 to 1437 25, 10 20 kms 50 ,, 30 miles 75 , , 50 100 ,, 60 WWS 177
medieval-atlas/administration/178 Place-dates: David 11 to lames V 130EdinbUrgh Linlilh9ow@ @ Dalkeilh ? Crichlon ~GI~ ~ ) .......... //~ Places where acts were issued kms o 25 50 75 100 • One act , , , I i i i i ® Number of acts where more than one o 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Place-dates: James 11 1437 to 1449 AB 178
medieval-atlas/administration/179 Place-dates: David 11 to lames V Places where acts were issued kms o 25 50 75 100 • One act , , I ,, , , , ® Number of acts where more than one o 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Place-dates: James 11 1450 to 1460 AB 179
medieval-atlas/administration/180 Place-dates: David 11 to lames V The last three place-date map cover the reigns of lames III (146088), lames rv (1488-1513) and lames V (1513-42). The maps show respectively 12, 57 and 46 places where acts were issued: the durations ofthe reigns were about 28, 25 and 29 years. The frequency of the extant acts confmns the overwhelming preponderance of Edinburgh as the place of issue: these represent 98% ofover 900 acts, 70% of over 2000 acts and 50% of nearly 3000 acts. A striking fact is that during the period of lames Ill's adult rule (November 1469 to May 1488), out of a total of 712 great seal documents which bear a place of issue, all but five emanate from Edinburgh. This static royal administration differs markedly from the much wider distribution ofacts in the next two reigns. In all three reigns, the place where the biggest number of acts were granted was Stirling -respectively, 5%, 14% and 15%: in lames V's reign the Falkland number reached 6.7 %, and Linlithgow and St. Andrews had 4% but the number of acts issued in other places was minute in all three reigns. (The map of the place-dates for lames IV does not attempt to plot the detail of his Highland campaigns in the 1490s: and the English campaign of 1496 is the subject of an earlier map.) Edinburgh / ,J Places where acts were issued • One act o I ® Number of acts where more than one 0 Place-dates: James III (1460 -88) 25, 10 20 kms 50 ,, 30 miles 75, , 50 100 ,, 60 NATM 180
medieval-atlas/administration/181 Place-dates: David 11 to lames V • Tain Places where acts were issued • One act ~ Number of acts where more than one Mingary not shown o I o Place-dates: James IV (1488 -1513) 25, 10 20 kms 50 ,, 30 miles 75, , 50 100 , , 60 I-.fATM 181
medieval-atlas/administration/182 Place-dates: David 11 to lames V :y. .h < .-::; ;"..... I· . , . .' •• • # • • i4 .. -I--!,.-. . ~'t;''--'. :\ ...... , .' ~.!.. .. '.~ .:, ....!('.. • 9 :1, ... . .~" .. :-....... . ."." . ." ... . Ruthven . . • . ' . • Places where acts were issued from before 1153 to 1542 GlenFi~a~ Stirling 436 Dumbarton @ Linlithgow 25 Glasgow Places where acts were issued • ® 'Crannald' One act o I Number of acts where more than one Not identified o Place-dates: James V (1513 -42) 25 , 10 20 kms 50 ,, 30 miles 75, , 50 100 ,, 60 NATM 182
medieval-atlas/administration/183 Earldoms and 'provincial lordships' 1124 to 1286 The first map is intended to indicate the maximum territorial extents of earldoms before 1286. It must be stressed that the territorial power and public authority enjoyed by earls were not invariably conterminous. Furthermore, with few exceptions (e.g. Atholl, Buchan, Lennox) the whole subject still requires detailed investigation; there is often a dearth of evidence contemporary with the period 1124 1286; and since the medieval earldoms both lost and gained territo ries, the territorial rights or claims recorded after 1286 may be mis leading guides to earlier conditions. This map is therefore only a preliminary statement and by no means definitive. It excludes re moter lands (e.g. North Argyll held by the earls of Ross) that mayor may not have been regarded as parts of earldoms. No attempt has been made to map Gowrie or Moray. Gowrie, called an earldom in twelfth-century sources, was held by the crown; Moray lapsed shortly after 1130 and was not revived until 1312. Where later records have been used, e.g. an extent of Fife (1293-4) and account rolls of Stratheam (1379-80, 1442-6) and Dunbar or March (1450-4), this is subject to the reservation noted above. There were thirteen Scottish earldoms in 1286. Most had developed from the mormaerships (provincial governorships) ofpre feudal Scotland north of the Forth-Clyde line. Eight of the thirteen certainly existed by about 1150: Fife, Strathearn, Angus, Atholl, Mar, Buchan and Caithness in Scotland proper, and Dunbar in Lothian. The earldoms of Carrick, Lennox, Menteith and Ross are also men tioned before 1200. The only new earldom created in the thirteenth century was Sutherland (about 1235). Ross, suppressed in 1168, was revived in c. 1215. Although royal control over the earldoms intensified, they retained importance as provincial governorships until the fourteenth century. But the strength of the earldom-province relationship must not be overstated. Pockets of Crown demesne, even seats of royal sheriffdoms, existed within earldoms. The earls of Fife clearly built up tl)eir earldom lands in stages, largely through royal favour from about 1150, and were never in fact allowed to possess the whole of Fife. Dunbar, strictly a 'non-provincial' earldom, included much but scarcely all of the Merse, and there is the especially striking case of Angus, whose territory was from early on fragmented and limited. Moreover, in the thirteenth century Mar (about 1225), Caithness (about 1240), and Menteith ( 1285) were all partitioned: in Caithness and Menteith, each earl's territory was reduced to half the original earldom lands. Even before 1286, therefore, some earldoms were evidently less impressive as administrative and territorial dignities than others. In the twelfth century only native magnates had the rank of earls, but five earldoms were by 1286 in the hands of families of Anglo-continental descent. Buchan had passed by marriage to ajunior branch of the Comyns, Menteith to ajunior branch of the Stewarts, Angus to the Umfravilles, and Carrick to the Bruces. Sutherland remained under the lordship of the Flemish de Moravias (Murrays). 'Provincial lordships' is a modem term for large estates, similar to the.earldoms, which were more or less coextensive with provinces or districts of the kingdom. Their lords, some of whom held earldoms as well, belonged to the uppermost reaches of noble society. But, as can be seen from the second map, 'provincial lordships' were not all of like dimensions, and a few appear to have been roughly the same size as, or even smaller than, certain self-contained estates usually regarded as 'sub-provincial': e.g. Lauderdale bears compari son with Bothwell, Carnwath and Douglasdale, all within the wider division of Clydesdale. The assignment of estates to one category or the other can in fact be problematic. While efforts have been made to illustrate the extents of 'provincial lordships' as accurately as possible, those of a fair number are highly conjectural due to lack of full or easily accessible evidence. No attempt has been made to map Assynt, Glen Dochart or other units which ought to be con sidered, but about which information is virtually a complete blank before 1286. From 1124 feudal colonisation helped to forge nineteen 'provincial lordships', at least some of which were actually ancient districts or lordships taken over and adapted as feudal holdings. All save Lauderdale lay in the 'outer zone' of the kingdom, where local administration based on sheriffdoms remained relatively undeveloped and the granting to trusted vassals of big tracts of territory, interspersed between the earldoms and other great lordships, was a key means of advancing royal power. By 1165 Anglo-continental farnilies held seven provincial fiefs: Strathgryfe with Renfrew and Meams (Stewart), Cunningham with Largs (Morville), Kyle Stewart or North Kyle, Annandale (Brus), Upper Eskdale with Ewesdale (Avenel), Liddesdale (Soules), and Lauderdale (Morville). North of the Forth, between about 1180 and about 1250 incoming lords acquired Garioch (earl of Hunting don), Strathbogie (David son of Earl Duncan nof Fife), StrathAvon or Stratha'an (earl of Fife), Badenoch and Lochaber (Comyn), the Aird with Strathglass (Bisset), Sutherland (Murray), and Strathnaver (Murray of Duffus). The Stewarts, having secured Bute by c. 1200, controlled Cowal by the 1250s, and a junior branch of the family asserted dominance over Arran and Knapdale in the 1260s. Before 1286 Cunningham (1234), Lauderdale (1234), Garioch (1237), the Aird (about 1260), and Strathnaver (about. 1260) were all partitioned among coheiresses and began to play less important roles. Sutherland was erected into an earldom in about 1235. Whereas each of these 'provincial lordship' was created for, or taken over by, a colonising family normally of Anglo-French descent, the map includes five others, all with pre-feudal origins, which were held by semi-independent native dynasties who gradually came under stronger central authority. Nithsdale (about 1185) and Galloway (1234-5) were ultimately broken up. In the far west, mainland (Scottish) and island (Norwegian to 1266) territories remained under the control of three families descended from Somerled Macgillebrigte (d. 1164): the Macdonalds ofIslay, the Macdougalls of Lom, and the Macruaries of Garmoran. The precise distribution of territories among them is uncertain. Morvem and Ardnamurchan have been linked with Islay or Garmoran, but may well have pertained to Lom. The map thus shows twenty-four 'provincial lordships', although Bute and Cowal can readily be associated with Strathgryfe, Arran with Knapdale, and Lochaber with Badenoch. By combining the two previous maps, the third map underlines the formidably wide predominance of earldoms and 'provinciallordships' in earlier medieval Scotland. Study of the relative distribution of these great territorial units, detailed consideration of their relationship with the expanding network of royal sheriffdoms, and systematic study of the fluctuating composition of the aristocracy they supported, are all invaluable ways of throwing light on the making of the medieval kingdom. KJS 183
medieval-atlas/administration/184 Earldoms and provincial lordships' 1124 to 1286 m~m~~~H Earldom (boundaries approximate) • Seat of sheriffdom in 1286 kms 75 100 ? ,2,5, ~p , , , o 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Earldoms 1124 to 1286 KJS 184
medieval-atlas/administration/185 Earldoms and 'provincial lordships' 1124 to 1286 I I \ \ Lorn \ • //"' '~ e) ~ '--,) r::::::I 'Provincial lordship' (boundaries Ellj approximate) 'C-~~;~/' Lordships of Somerled's • -." descendants Territory of Somerled's descendants subject to Norwegian overlordship before 1266 • Seat of sheriffdom in 1286 kms 0 25 5p 75 100 , , , , , ,, 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles 'Provincial lordships' 1124 to 1286 KJS 185
medieval-atlas/administration/186 Earldoms and 'provincial lordships' 1124 to 1286 ."..- / " ."..-.... I {),. .... 1.-----' r"Y'i'il E.,'dom~~~~~~~~~~~~ 'Provincial lordship' ...... • - .".. Lordships of Somerled's descendants Territory of Somerled's descendants subject to Norwegian overlordship before 1266 • Seat of sheriffdom in 1286 Earldoms and 'provincial lordships' 1124 to 1286 0 I 0 25 , , 10 20 kms 5p, 30 miles 75, , 50 100 , 60 KJS 186
medieval-atlas/administration/187 Shires and thanages This and the next map show. respectively, the location of portions described as 'extensive', because very little land was retained to be of royal and magnatial demesne to which record applied the deexploited directly by the lord and very little use was made of yearscriptive or defining term 'shire' in the period from about 1100 to round. servile or 'manorial' labour. Instead the population dwelled about 1350, and places associated in the same period with officers in dispersed settlements at varying distances from the centre, each styled 'thanes' (teinus, thaynus, toisech , in some cases 'sheriff, minsettlement constituting an agrarian unit, pastoral or crop-growing ister or prepositus), most commonly by being called 'thanages' or or a mixture of the two, and some at least of the settlements special'thanedoms' (teinagium, thanagium). It will be seen that there is a izing in a particular product such as oats, barley, cheese, geese, fish, considerable degree of correlation between the two. The key to an honey, etc. On the other hand, an estate so organised would be limunderstanding of the two phenomena is the lordship enjoyed and ited to an area within which foodstuffs could be conveniently transexercised by the kings almost certainly to be traced back into preported and tenants could travel -mostly, perhaps, on foot -to perhistoric times. This lordship was exercised over districts convenform the necessary services. The Old English and Middle English iently controlled and administered from some principal centre of term scir, scire (shire), literally 'division', was used to describe or kingly authority (often originally a fortified centre, hill-fort, promidentify such estates in much of southern and eastern Scotland (as ontory-fort or the like), and it was realised in the form of renders in indeed in northern and midland England). It is not certain what earkind. cereals, animals and other foodstuffs, certain labour services lier vernacular term was used in any of the Celtic languages, but it (often of a specialised sort such as assistance with the lord's huntseems likely that some form of the word cat/wir orcaer (loans from ing). occasionally some money rents, and a variety of semi-predial, Latin castrum, castra)was applied to shires in early times. semi-administrative functions and services. Such lordship may be • Cromdale · Alvie ( j • Shire of Gellan •Rathillet Blebo Kinrymont • . Dunning • •• .......... Muthil (?) Strathmiglo . Cupar • Kinninmonth Bishopshire Kennoway .. • Kelli;-JraiI • ~_ .-Rires ;.::;, . Carlownie (?)St:athleven-....&ocinie V..J Stirling ....... • --{ lochore • ,...., Kirkcaldy Herbertshire • • inghorn • Edinburgh /} Bunkle • Berwick upon Tweed • Shires before about 1350 Alvie and Cromdale are off map kms 0 25 50 75 100 I I I I I I I I 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Shires before about 1350 GWSB 187
medieval-atlas/administration/188 Shires and thanages The characteristic officer responsible for administering the shire on western highlands it would be rash to say positively that shire behalf of kings, earls or bishops was known as a thane (Old English organisation and thanes or their equivalent were not normal features pegn 'one who serves').ln Tweedale, Teviotdale, Lothian and the of those areas. Nevertheless, sufficient record material survives for Merse it appears that the typical ministerial class in the earliertwelfth the west from the period before \350 to suggest that if royal lordship century, intervening between the king and the greatest magnates on was organised there in a comparable way to that found in the east, the one hand and the mass of the population on the other, was then a somewhat different vocabulary was employed by which its composed of thanes and then slightly less substantial and powerful details were habitually described. 'Shires' remained a living word in companion officials known by the Scandinavian loan-word, drengs. Scotland in the later middle ages. It cou ld still be used in the old sense In the south-eastern region references to individual thanes and of a ponion of a larger estate, as in Herbenshire, Machanshire and thanages are rare, whereas in Scotland north of Forth it is commoner Bishopshire; but from the sixteenth century the word came increasto find individual references than to thanes as a class. Owing to the inglyto be used -as it had long been used in England-as synonymous ~!!!parative lack o~ntary~rlm:I::nOCk;th SheriffdO:::n:ount ecord for the south-weS~~~ y. ~ Dingwall ~ke• Elgin Munbrie . Glendowachy -v "Moyness . Rathenech • Aberchlrder ~a •• Srodie ~ ~~ Conveth ~s• Cawdor ~ ?erdale AFormartine (Fyvle) / Cromdale • } ( .~rt!n:(Tolquhon) ~Kliilor • . Selhelvie ~ Kincardine ~.O' Neil ~ :~ ~::~ iowie '-~Fettercaim • Clova Newdosk I • -') uthnot "'-. ~Menmuir ~Aberh~thnot Glentllt Kinalty . orfie :::::::::> Strathardle \ . .... Tannady,ce • Downl~ -.qld Montrose Crannach _ _ .~II Eassie, . Aberlel)1no • -. ---:7 ~Alyth. • .Inverkeilor Fortlngall Dalmamock . GI . Idvies'" J • amls r . • • Coupar Angus ,-/ Fandow~eMonifieth ~ Scone Longforgan Strowan ~ •• . • Dairsie, Dunning Fortevlot • Kingskettlel ---- . • v~alkland~e Klnross kms 0 25 50 75 100 • Thanages recorded before about 1350 i I , i i i i , 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Thanages about 1350 GWSB 188
medieval-atlas/administration/189 Breitheamh, breive, dempster and deemster An important judicial officer in Celtic Scotland was the breitheamh, a Gaelic word meaning judge, Scotticised as 'breive' or'dempster'. In Latin documents between about I 100 and about 1300 these officers are designated 'judex'. The map is based first on Professor G.W.S. Barrow's list of these Scottish judices, which suggests that they had a provincial jurisdiction. Further, however, tradition and documentary evidence from after 1400 tell how each of the islands within the Lordship ofthe Isles had its own judge under achiefjudge -thejudex insularum -who may have been based in Lewis. The Scouishjudges had their counterparts in Ireland, Wales and, in particular, in thebriw or deemster of Man, as the repositories of traditional law and custom. The map indicates those provinces to which documentary evidence shows judices were attached, indicating such provinces with capital lettering. Also shown (in italic lettering) are those other provinces within which judices were operative or with which they were traditionally associated. It should be noted that there is a close parallel with the geographical distribution of the toiseachdeor. ...... BUCHAN Provinces to which CUMBRIA judices were attached FothriJ Other provinces in which judices were operative or with which traditionally associated kms 0 25 50 7,5 100 ,, , I , 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles La~MAN HLM Breitheamh, breive, dempster and deemster 189
medieval-atlas/administration/190 Toiseachdeor The toiseachdeor was an important officer of the law in Celtic times, although his precise function is unclear. as indeed is the etymology of his name. Like the breitheamh ('judex') and the mair, the toiseachdeor survived into the Middle Ages and beyond. He was often equated with the coroner, and in a number ofcases there is clear 'Whole Lordship (1450) of Argyll' continuity between earlier toiseachdeor and later coroner. The map plots references to the office, indicating the earliest date at which a particular toiseachdeor appears on the record. In every case, however, the office must have existed for many years -and probably many centuries -previous to the earliest surviving mention. Stratha'an (1477)1 ~in oir ;.r-s (141 0) Earldom of Ma~52) '\~~ Woods of Kincardine e Tulliemet ~-(14~ (1508) e Ardtalnaig (1342) e References to the office of toiseachdeor, with earliest date 6 Sheadings kms ISLE each with a 0 25 50 75 100 I , i i i i OF Toiseachdeor 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 MAN miles WDHS Toiseachdeor 190
medieval-atlas/administration/191 la 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 D E F K L M N o Q R S T U V W X Y Z Aa Bb Cc Ee Ff Gg Comhdhail: 'popular' courts The Gaelic word comhdhail (Old Irish Comdal), meaning 'assembly' or 'tryst', was evidently applied to popular courts of a local nature. In this sense it is recorded in the fourteenth century in the form canthal or cOLlthal. referring to Angus and Mearns. It seems possible that this word is embodied in a number of place-names, Cuthill Cuthil Cothall Cothall Glenquithle Cuttyhill Cuttlehi ll, Upper and Nether Candle Stone Cuttlecraigs Cothill, Cothal Cothill Cothill Cothill Coldstone Cuttieshillock Quittlehead Cuttieshillock, Cuttieswood, Ord of Cuttieshillock Quithelhead Quithel Cothelhill Cothill Cuthile Harbour Cuthlie Culthill Innercochi ll, Glen Cochill. Cochill Burn Cuthil, Cuthi lmuir Coldrain Cuttlehill Cuthelton Cuthill Cuthill Couthalley, Couthally, Cowthally Clach na Comhalaieh CII/hilfield CLlthilbyrnie Hill CLlttlebrae CLlthill, Cothill Candlehill CothiemLlir Hill, The Cothiemuir Cottilstane, Cot Hillock Colsten BLlm, Glen Colsten Quitelhead Cowthill Cotthill, common moor ofCot Hill Login CLlthel ColedLlnes CLlthill Furd Candle Hill Cow/hill, Cowill, CLlthley, Cu/hill Co/hill Cuttlebum Co/hit ofKei/hick CII/hill wood ofCraigmokerran Cu/hillsydes CII/les, Eas/er & Wester Cuthel, CLlthilmyre CII/hill CLltilhill, Cuidthilhill, Cuttlehill CLlithilhall, Cuttlehall Lie CLlthil CII/hill, Cuthil Brae CII/hil Brae CO/hill some surviving, some obsolete, occurring chiefly in north and eastern Scotland; and in some at least of these instances the name indicates a place where such local popular courts customarily met. A high proportion of these place-names, usually having the form Cothil, Cuthel, Cuttle, etc, are located in the vicinity of prehistoric cairns, tumuli and stone circles, i.e. the kind ofsite at whjch medjeval courts are known from other evidence to have met. ~~"7.5 !~ -~ ~F 10 ) .) ) 1415 11 13~... larH~ 17 ~ JO .1~ 'N~ Lre M OS ~ '-v..18 \p 0 T U ~19 20. 24 OR 22 • Z 0 ~3~V21 ~O Y ~ 26. 25 '-.... • l Aa OSb ~ EeO Cc ~28 Ft . 29 • Comhdhail names appearing in the OS CII/hill 1 :50,000 maps kms Cothill 0 25 5,0 7.5 100 o Comhdhail names appearing in I , , documentary sources (including pre -OS maps) 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles GWSB Comhdhail: popular courts in early medieval Scotland 191
medieval-atlas/administration/192 Sheriffdoms The map shows those sheriffs and sheriffdoms for which there is documentary evidence before 1165, together with the approximate date of the earljest reference to them. There was a sheriff, probably connected with Roxburgh, before the accession of David I (1 12453). In ills reign and that of MaJcolrn IV (1153-65) sheriffs were establj shed at royal demesne centres in the south and east of Scotland. Their functions included the collection and distribution of revenues but there is no evidence of a sheriff court at this period. South ofthe Forth some sheriffs may be associated with royal castles and the enforcement of the obligatjon of castle-guard incumbent upon those holdjng land for knight service. The appearance of a sheriff ofLanarkorClydesdale in the reign ofMal col m IV coincides with the kjng's establishment of a group of Flemish settlers in the area. The sheriffs probably also had functions in connection with the kjng's burghs, especially north ofthe Forth at Perth, Crrul, Dunfermline and perhaps Forfar. Although thus apparently linked with other twelfth-century developments, there are signs of continuity with the established institutions of the shire and thane. South of the Forth some early sheriffs had Anglian names and were connected with shires. The sheriff ofLothian who exjsted in the reign ofDavid I may have been set over the shires ofthat province, with the emergence of sheriffs of Linlithgow, Edinburgh and possibly Haddington being perhaps later events. In the north, except at Perth and Crrul, early sheriffs had Celtic names and at Scone and Forfar local thanes may have been elevated to the statu of sheriff to compensate for the lack of comital authority in the provinces ofGowrie and Angus. Finally the absence of sheriffs from the earldoms and lordships of the north and west should be noted. • Forfar 1162 x 1164 ---J Perth • Scone J 1147 x 1153 1128 x 1136~ Clackmannan • Crail 1141 x 1150 J'v.f' 1154 x 1178 Stirling •• Dunfermfine 1125 x 1147 W:11,61 X ll64 • Lothian Linlithgow • 1159 x 1162 Edinburgh Berwick upon Tweed 1153 x 1162 1124 x 1139 • Clydesdale or Lanark 1161 x 1162 kms ,, , , 100 o 2,5 50 75 • Caput of sheriffdom, with approximate {J o 10 20 30 40 50 60 date of first reference miles Sheriffdoms recorded by 1165 192 HLM
medieval-atlas/administration/193 Sheriffdoms This map shows the expansion of the sheriffs in line with the development ofthe feudal settlement under William I (1165-1214). Early in hjs reign we find a sheriff of the province of Moray which by the beginning of the thirteenth century had apparently been divided into the sheriffdoms of Inverness and Invernairn. Probably by then, there were also sheriffs of Forres, Elgin, Banff and Aberdeen but no good documentary evidence of this survives. A single document refers to the sheriffs and bailies of Carrick, Galloway and Lennox in the I I 90s and it is possible that there was a sheriff of Dumfries by this period. The sheriffs of Selkirk, Traquajr and Meams were all connected principally with areas ofroyal forest, the sheriff of Ayr with a new castle and burgh. Some sheriffdoms djsappeared: Dunfermline (where the hng's burgh was also abandoned) and CraB (in the possession of the king's mother until 1178) were both subsumed in the new sheriffdom of Fife by 1214. Lauder represents a baronial sheriffdom. The functjons of the royal sheriff now clearly went beyond the administration of the king's afflilrs to the protection ofthe king's subjects -for example, by the recovery of fugitive serfs or the enforcement of teinds. There is evidence of a sheriff court. More and more the sheriffs were drawn from baronial famjlies with Anglo-French origins who were major landowners in the sheriffdom. But the office was not yet hereditary in nature; the only sheriffship certainly heritable at this period was that ofSelkirk, in the family of Sinton. Lanark 0 Lauder ~ Y162X177 Traquair • .~ 1184...,./7. Rox~urgh Ayr 1 Selkirk -' 1197 x 1207 x 1214/ ...// / ......, ..-- ...../ kms Forfar Sheriffdom recorded before 1165 o 25 50 7.5 Ayr 1197 x 1207 Sheriffdom recorded between 1165 and 1214, with dates I . , ,, , 100 Caput of royal sheriffdom (where known) o 10 20 30 40 50 60 o• Caput of baronial sheriffdom miles Sheriffdoms recorded by 1214 HLM 193
medieval-atlas/administration/194 Sheriffdoms Since it is likely that most if not all of the sheriffdoms of Dumfries. have expanded to incorporate Galloway east of the Cree following Aberdeen. Banff. Elgin and Forres were established before 1214. the the partition of the province in 1234. WigLOwn being set up with map may give a misleading impression ofexpansion in the thirteenth castle and burgh at about the same time. Four new sheriffdoms century. Peebles was a development of the sheriffdom of Traquair. Auchterarder. Cromarty. Dingwall and Kinross -may have been while Dumbarton may have evolved from the earlier sheriffdom of elevated thanages. The sheriffdoms ofSkye. Lome and Kintyre were Lennox in association with the burgh established in 1222. Meams created by act of parliament in 1293. perhaps taking over from an became the sheriffdom of Kincardine with the erection of a royal earlier wardenship of the whole area. castle there. probably by Alexander 11 ( 1214-49). Dumfries may ",, o ... -..... -" -: Cromarty ~264x 1266~Elgin~Banff Dingwall . / -~ , Forres 1225 X 1~26 x 1242 12s.:~,~2_6~_ -, Nairn. 1226 ,,:...... ,"'\ __ -..-.. 1 .. Inverness).. -""_ ,," I., '..." I .. -, I , I " " ,- " .. , .. , -' .......... ~11"''''''''... .. .. -\ ........... -' ',(-_ ..... '.. '(~,-- , , , J • .. __ -.... o , ,),,"'''''''''''''''('ij' .~~:,~~' m" (Me"m" ' .. \_ ~ I ~ -' ----::-:---'" --/:" "" ,-,...... ... .''' • Perth ... ~ Auchterarder ' 1~~O . ; Fife , Kinross , Stirling '-y -_ -, 1252 -, • /' . ...,.... _-,-,. " ( Clackmannan __ Dumbarton ---~__ - -123( """ . ,_-,-,-~~dinburgh ........ ">, ......,: ~: ......':'r ......~ ...... '~-I ... , \. ~(. ... ... .. .. )........ ' " .!.. ....... ;.' )' ..., ..... < .... '" ... ,..-, ...... ,.. '-" , ... ... ,... ;,-..: ' ~""".. Lan~rk "'.. P~~bles , '_', ",' ,. , . 1259 ,_ \~-... -',;' ,'.. ...----Roxburgh .... , ........ _.:.. .. /, ,Traqu81f ,,,,' . ' ,e Ay~' f ~ ~ " ......... Selkjrk-.. l....... ,'). I ...\~ J .. ,\0. .. '" ..... , , .., I ' ........ -« " . DJmlries 1237 .... -, " ~"'-_./.7 kms • Caput 01 sheriffdom (where known) o 2,5 50 ,, 7,5 , 100 Foriar Sheriffdom recorded before 1214 I o 10 20 30 40 50 60 Forres 1226 Sheriffdom recorded between 1165 and 1214. with dates miles Modern county boundaries HLM SherifTdoms recorded by 1300 194
medieval-atlas/administration/195 Justice ayres in the thirteenth century The justice or justiciar first appears in the twelfth century as a royal officer carrying out judicial and other functions. Normally there was more than one at a time; and each seems to have been asssigned a particular area of the kingdom in which to perform his duties. By early in the thirteenth century a twofold division of the justiciarship was established: Scotia in the north and Lothian in the south. There may also have been a justiciarship of Galloway in the late twelfth century, which was re-established in the mid-thirteenth century. By this period the administration of the justiciary was well settled. Twice a year, in the spring and winter, the justiciar (normally a highranking layman) went on circuit or ayre through the sheriffdoms of his region, holding courts at the head burgh ofeach one. These courts exercised a wide jurisdiction and the income produced from the fines and other payments consequent upon this was accounted for to the exchequer by the sheriffs. From some surviving accounts of the 1260s it is possible to reconstruct the probable routes followed by the ayres of Scotia and Lothian and this is shown on the map. In Galloway the justiciary was subdivided into two parts defined by the River Urrratherthan the two sheriffdoms ofDumfries and Wigtown. SCOTlA Justiciarships kms Ayre towns o 25 50 75 100 ! ;' , , • Sheriffdom burgh Wigtown I o 10 20 30 40 50 60 Probable routes of justice ayres miles • Conjectural routes of justice ayres -------~ HLM Justice ayres in the thirteenth century 195
medieval-atlas/administration/196 Burghs to 1300 The preponderance of burghs in the east reflects the more rapid harbours (Berwick, Montrose, Aberdeen). A few places were given economic development of regions which had access by sea to the burgh privileges because they were important royal strongholds North Sea trading area. Towns grew up on overland livestock routes (Edinburgh, Stirling) or cult centre (Dunfermline). The two burghs (Rutherglen, Peebles, Roxburgh), at important intersections of land in Moray are those most likely to represent a 'plantation' with castle and water-borne routes (Stirling, Perth), or at good river-mouth to hold down a newly subdued province. North ~Stirling Sea Linlithgow. Renfrew • ~ Edinburgh "",h') 7' Burghs of the king 11 Burghs of the king, certainly or probably with ~ castle o Burghs of other lords kms [!] Burghs passing between the king and private lord 0 25 50 75 100 I i i i i 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Burghs in existence by 1153 AAMD 196
medieval-atlas/administration/197 Burghs to 1300 The most striking extension of burgh settlements is in Moray, where the flimsiest of enclosure for security at night. Inverness (unless it the town plans point to enclosed, fortified settlements with royal is older than we know) and Ayr are the only new ports of significastles attached; Auldeam was destroyed by rebels and Nairn founded cance. The additional towns are for the most part regional trading in its place. Berwick too was enclosed (because it was close to centres, supplying the surrounding country with specialist trades and England) but only Perth had a town wall, and many burghs had only goods. I ~ ~D Inverrle ~-~·klntore Aberdeen ~Bre
medieval-atlas/administration/198 Burghs to 1300 It is likely that Cromarty was established before 1214 ; Dingwall while existing major ports (for example, Berwick) undoubtedly grew repre ents fairer control of Ross and Wigtown of Galloway, a in size, the infrastructure of'market towns' diffusing specialist wares lordship which was partitioned in 1235. In general the scarcity of through the country, did not increase in size, and places like, Girvan, new foundations in the thirteenth century is very remarkable, for Duns, Dalkeith, Kinross, had, it seems, no mercantile privileges. • Burghs of the king 25 kms 75 100 0 , sp I o Burghs of other lords I I [!] Burghs passing between the king and private lords 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Burghs in existence by 1300 AAMD 198
medieval-atlas/administration/199 Forests 1124 to 1286 A royal forest was a hunting reserve in which no-one could hunt without the king's permission. David I (1124-53) introduced royal forests to Scotland, having become acquainted with the idea in England as earl ofHunting don. The first royal forests appear to have been created in the I I30s. Most of the royal forests on the map (which shows forests first recorded between 1121 and 1286) were (;> established by David: Ettrick (or Selkirk, as it was known toc.13(0), Gala and Leader, Stirling and CIack:mannan, Clunie, Birse, Banchory and Elgin, Forres and Inverness. These reserves covered large tracts of ground and in the ensuing centuries were gradually reduced in size. The boundaries of the forests shown on the map are approximate. lNVERCULLEN BANFQ PLUSCA RDEN & AUCHTERTYRE ( /: ( -- lNVVE\)LEONACH RNESS ( ) ~ERDEEN o ~IRSE DURR1S ,COW1E ALYTH ~ CLUN1E ..;...... Approximate boundaries of royal forests kms 0 25 50 75 100 I ! , ,, , , , ~Forest first recorded between 1124 -1200 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles c=J Forest first recorded between 1200 -1286 JMG Royal forests 1124 to 1286 199
medieval-atlas/administration/200 Forests 1124 to 1286 David I (1124-53) also initiated the forest grant which gave a baron reserves were very large: Annandale. Eskdale. Renfrew and forest rights enabling the beneficiary to have hunting reserves on his Cunninghame. By the thirteenth century forests created by royal land and to hunt there without royal licence. In his forests the baron grant were maller and mainly in the north. The baron could grant could exercise the same rights as the king in a royal forest. When concessions to his tenants or the church and had to face the problem such grants were made toecc1esiastical foundations. it was probably of pressure on the other resources ofthe reserve. The map shows the to ensure that their flocks of sheep were not disturbed by baronial baronial forests which were first recorded between 1124 and 1286. hunting parties. In the early twelfth century several of these The boundaries shown are approximate. /'FE1TERNEAR ~~ROSTACH NIGG ROTHIEMURCHUS ~BIRSE~RACHAN o ~O\KINKELL ATI:K:!!.l. "-'UM ~~"\U DjUMSLEED _ ~GLENIS:;t!!/A.e~~NLAPPIE ~ c..J D LYSSEDIN ~\ ~Q OCHTERLONY ~ CARGILL V DUNBARROW & CONAN AMPSJE~ARRY STR~TH B ERINO EARN ~ ~ UNDORES .r161 P!f TlLUCOU~O:pOLLAR. t..J DUNDAFF & STRATHCARRON 0 0UTH ~~KILSYTH ~~ DRUMPELUER ~!V~ ~ \ ~ ~ GLASGOW - MAUCH & CAWER & MONIABROCK 7fJ::..M"'!.1jPW vv \ \ ~,=G U~ lNAlN ~ANQUHAR~~~ AYR DAZIT"·DUMPR
medieval-atlas/administration/201 Baronies, lordships and earldoms in the early 15th century The following six maps deal with Scottish baronies at the beginning of the fifteenth century (but only lay ones; ecclesiastical estates, which were usually held as baronies, are not included). 'Barony' did not then have its normal modem meaning of the lowest rank of the peerage (that derives from a different, English, usage). Instead, it was an estate held in liberam baroniam, with special 'baronial' powers exercised in the barony court; this disciplined the tenants, settled their disputes, heard such criminal cases as assault, theft, and accidental homicide (with convicted thieves being put to death), and enforced various kinds of national legislation. Baronies were thus significant local administrative units. Lords exercising baronial powers were known as barons. In twelfth-and thirteenth-century Scotland the terminology had been employed loosely: all tenants-in-chief of single knight's feus probably counted as barons, and their estates as baronies, which were seen as subdivisions of the sheriffdoms. But late medieval usage was more precise: from Robert l's reign on, baronies needed either specific creation or crown ratification of their existence (which was not automatic; a number of earlier 'baronies' lapsed). Now, when an estate was erected into or recognised as a 'free barony', it gained a more permanent status, and could survive as a geographical concept even if the baronial powers were not exercised, or if its lands had been divided or had escheated to the crown. A number of the baronies shown here were actually 'in abeyance', so to speak, in the early fifteenth century. When exercised, baronial authority gave the lord considerable social status, plus considerable income from fines and forfeitures. Thus grants 'in free barony' became a significant feature of royal patronage (and not only royal: great magnates and ecclesiastical institutions also occasionally granted land in liberam baroniam). As a result, late medieval baronies proliferated, from some 2-300 in Robert I's reign to at least 400 by the early fifteenth century; and there were probably well over a thousand by the seventeenth century. Those seventeenth-century baronies, however, would be impossible to map: many were tiny individual pieces of land, many others combined properties scattered across numerous sheriffdoms. But that was the result of a trend beginning in the midfifteenth century, and around 1400 the territorial pattern is much clearer. Then, baronies did not contain lands in more than one sheriffdom. Also, in most cases they probably consisted of fairly compact and coherent blocks of land. Furthermore, many had the same names as parishes, and appear often to have covered much the same territory. Admittedly, baronies often contained lands in more than one parish, and pari.shes often contained several baronies. Nevertheless, by taking careful account of the relevant parish boundaries together with the location of the caput, an idea of the likely extent of each early fifteenth-century barony can be gained; this is done in in the first four maps. The baronies are mapped by sheriffdoms. Each barony's caput is normally indicated by a circle, with a number referring to the numbered lists ofbaronies® Often, lines radiate outwards from the circles ~, to give a rough impression of the larger baronies' lands. Where there were two separate blocks in a barony, these are linked by a dotted line; where a barony consisted of more, scattered, portions, this has been shown by locating its caput with a cross [xl; neither case is common. In the lists, each barony's name is accompanied by the name (in italics) of the medieval parish containing its caput, and if a barony included land in two or more parishes, this is indicated by + or ++; that helps to elucidate baronyparish relationships. An asterisk [*l before a barony's name shows that it was held of an earldom or provincial lordship. With baronies in Berwickshire, however, account has been taken of the 1401 en actment that if an earldom came into crown hands, all baronies in it were to be detached and held directly of the crown; that was applied at once to the temporarily forfeited earldom of March. (This is one reason why the maps are dated about 1405, not about 1400.) The first four maps also depict some 'superbaronies', the 'provincial' earldoms and lordships, which were invariably held in liberam baroniam. It should be stressed that the boundaries shown are often only conjectural and approximate. The earldoms are the thirteen old earldoms already mapped in the earlier section on 'Earldoms and "Provincial Lordships", 1124 to 1286', plus Moray (revived in 1312 and dating in the form shown here from 1372). The main changes since 1286 are the revival of Moray, the expansion ofRoss, the virtual disappearance of Buchan (suppressed after 1308, but revived in token form in 1382), and the shrinkage ofMarch. As for the "provincial lordships" mapped in the earlier section, most belonged to earls in the late Middle Ages, and ten -Annandale, Baden'och, Galloway, Garioch, Kyle Stewart, Lauderdale, Liddesdale, Lorn, Nithsdale and Skye -appear to have had a special status, indicated by the fact that their owners' titles took the form 'earl ofA and lord ofB' . Of the rest, the Stewarts' ancestral lordship ofRenfrew, and Cunningham (granted to them by Robert I), may be considered to have had the same status; the new Lordship of the Isles accounts for Islay, Garmoran, Lochaber and Knapdale; and Strathbogie was to form the core of the later lordship of Gordon and earldom of Huntly. Thus there were thirteen likely 'provincial lordships' at the beginning of the fifteenth century; the others had lapsed. The fifth map also deals with provincial earldoms and lordships, depicting them on a country-wide basis. It demonstrates how immensely important they still were in the early fifteenth century but not for much longer, for during that century most of them came into the crown's hands, radically changing the country's territorial power structure. This map also indicates the lands of the new 'honorific' earldoms of Douglas (created 1358) and Crawford (created 1398); both consisted of scattered baronies and (in Douglas's case) lordships, and foreshadow the new earldoms of the later fifteenth century. In addition, the map shows the main Stewart possessions, which in 1404 were united into a great appanage for Robert Ill's heir, Prince James. Finally, the sixth map is concerned with another type of 'superbarony', the regality. A grant of regality bestowed major extra powers: authority to deal with 'the pleas ofthe crown' (murder, rape, arson and violent robbery, which were normally reserved to the justiciar courts), and execute those found guilty; exclusive jurisdiction over the regality's tenants, so that any of them brought before another court could be 'repledged' to that of the regality; and freedom from interference by royal officers. Lords of regality thus had supreme control over their regalities, subject only to parliament and the king. Such major privileges were much more restricted than those of ordinary baronies. In the early fifteenth century there were only fifteen lords of regality, of whom several had powers confined to small areas. Others, however, held whole earldoms or provincial lordships in regality, and there were four particularly large complexes: the Stewart appanage (from 1404); the earldom of Douglas; the lands of the Douglas earl of Angus, insluding Liddesdale and Jedworth Forest; and the dozen baronies in southern Scotland held by James Douglas of Dalkeith, the richest lord in Scotland bar a few earls. Members of the house of Douglas thus had regality powers over a vast amount of territory. And, in general, it is striking how much of early fifteenth-century Scotland was withdrawn from the normal administrative structure because of the regalities. 201
medieval-atlas/administration/202 Baronies, lordships & earldoms Lordship of The Isles B: INVERNESS I. Abernethy (Abernethy) * Abertarff (Abenarff) *TheAird (Wardlaw +) Avoch (Avoch) 5. *Bona (Bona) 13 *Brachlie (Brachlie) x *Cromdale (Cromdale) Eddirdour '(Killearnan) *Glencairnie (Duthilf) 10. *Kirdell (Daviot) 11. *Strath Deam (Moy+) 12. Old Wick (Wick) 13 *Torboll (Dornoch) 14 Urquhart (Urquhan) ID: NAIRN I. *Nairn (lnvernairn ++) B:ELGIN I. *Duffus (Duff us) 2. 'Petty (Petty) 3. *Rothes (Rothes) KEY TO ALL MAPS OF BARONIES ABOUT 1405 Caput of small barony (for numbers, see accompanying lists) Caput of larger barony, with indication of likely extent of lands Caput of barony consisting of scattered lands Caput (usually) of si:leriffdom or constabulary Boundary of sheriffdom Approximate boundary of provincial earldom or lordship Provincial earldom Provincial lordship Linkages between detached parts of baronies, earldoms, sheriffdoms Baronies about 1405, (1): northern Scotland AG (sheriffdoms of Inverness, Nairn, Elgin) 202
medieval-atlas/administration/203 Baronies, lordships & earldoms I!J:BANFF 1. Aberchirder (Aberchirder) 2. Bohann (Boharm) 3. Boyne (Inverboyndie) 4. Deskford (Deskford) 5. Findlafer (Cullen) 6. Glendowachy (Gamrie) 7. Inverugie (Inverugie) 8. Mortlach (Mortlach) 9. Rothiemay (Rothiemay) 10. Strathalvah (Alvah) 11. Strathavon (Inveravon +) 12. Troup (Gamrie) Unidentified: 'Kilsaurle' 11: ABERDEEN I. Aberdour (Aberdour++) 2. Aboyne (Aboyne) 3. Aden (Deer) 4. Balgownie (Aberdeen St Machar) 5. Balhalgardy (Logie Dumo ++) 6. Banchory-Devenick (Banchory-Devenick) 7. Belhelvie (Belhelvie) . 8. Cluny (Cluny) . 9. Coull & O'Neil (Coull, Kincardine O'Neif) 10. Cruden (Cruden) 11. Cushnie (Cushnie) 12. Drum (Dalmayock) 13. Drumblade (Drumblade) 14. Fedderate (Deer) 15. Findon (Banchory-Devenick) 16. Forbes (Forbes) 17. Formartine (Fyvie +) 18. Foveran (Foveran) 19. Frendraught (Forgue) 20. Kellie (Methlick ++) 21. Kingedward (Kingedward ++) 22. Kintore (Kintore) 23. *Leslie (Leslie) 24. Ludquharn (Longside ++) 25. Little Culter (Peterculter) 26. Midmar (Midmar) 27. Monycabbo . (Aberdeen St Machar) 28. Murtle (Peterculter) 29. Philorth (Philor/h) 30. Pitfodels (Banchory-Devenick) (FORFAR, contd.) 31. Rattray (Crimond ++) 11. Dundee (Dundee) 32. Rothienorman (Fyvie) 12. Earl's Ruthven (Ruthven) 33. Shivas (Tarves) 13. Eassie (Eassie) 34. Skene (Skene) 14. *Ethiebeaton (Monifieth) 35. Slains (Slains) 15. Fern (Fern) 0:KINCARDINE 16. Fethies (Famelf) 17. Formal (Untrathen) I. Allardyce (Arbuthnot) 18. Gask (Kettins) 2. Balmaleedie (AberlethnotlMarykirk) 19. Glarnis (Glamis) 3. Benholm (Benholm) 20. Guthrie (Guthrie) 4. Cowie (Fetteresso) 21. Glenesk (Edzell) 5. Craigie (Ecc/esgreig) 22. Inverarity (Inverarity) 6. Dunottar (Dunottar) 23. Inverlunan (Lunan) 7. Durris (Durris) 24. Kellie (Abirlot) 8. Glenbervie (Glenbervie) 25. Kettins (Kettins) 9. Inverbervie (Kinnejj) 26. J(jnblethmont (Inverkeillor) 10. J(jncardine (Fordoun ++) 27. Kinnaber (Montrose) 11. J(jnneff (Kinnejj) 28. J(jnnell (Kinnelf) 12. Mondyness (Fordoun) 29. J(jnnetles (Kinnetles) 13. Newdosk (Newdosk) 30. *J(jrriemuir (Kirriemuir+ ) 14. Strachan (Strachan) 31. Lintrathen (Untrathen) 15. Thomton (AberlethnottlMarykirk) 32. Logie (Logie Montrose) 16. Tullibole (Banchory-Teman) 33. Lour (Restennet) 17. Urie (Fetteresso) 34. Lundie (Lundie) 35. Nevay (Nevay) n1:FORFAR 36. Newtyle (Newtyle) I. Aberlemno (Aberlemno) 37.0gilvie (Glamis) 2. Ardler (Kettins) 38. Panbride (Panbride) 3. Auchterhouse (Auchterhouse) 39. Panmure (Panbride) 4. Auchtertyre (Newtyle) 40. Red Castle (Inverkeillor) 5. Brechin (Brechin) 41. Reddie (Tannadiee) 6. Clova (Clova) 42. Rossie (Inehbrayoek) 7. Cortachy (Cortachy) 43. *Strathdichty (MainsIStrathdiehty) 8. Craig & Glenisla(lnchbrayocklCraig, 44. Tannadice (Tannadiee) Glenisla) 45. Tealing (Tealing) 9. Downie (Tannadice) 46. Turin (Rescobie) 10. Dun (Dun) Unidentified: 'Galloweald', 'Murlettre' Baronies about 1405, (2): eastern Scotland GI:FIFE I. Aberdour (Aberdour) 2. Ardross (Kilconquhar) Ballenbreich (Flisk) Carnock (Camock) Ceres (Ceres) Cleish (Cleish) Crail (Crail) Crombie (Crombie) Dysart (Dysart) 10. Fithkill (LeslielFithkilf) 11. Glassmount (Kinghom) 12. Inverkeithing (Inverkeithing) 13. Kellie (CambeeIKellie) 14. Kilbrakmont (Kilconquhar) 15. J(jnghorn (Kinghom ++) 16. J(jnnear (Kilmany?) I7. Leuchars (Leuchars) 18. Lochore (Ballingry) 19. Naughton (Balmerino) 20. *Reres (Kilconquhar) 21. Rosyth (Rosyth) 22. *Scoonie (Seoonie) Unidentified: .'Pitconnochie' II:KINROSS I. Lochleven 11: CLACKMANNAN I.Alloa (Alloa) 2. Clackmannan (Claekmannan) Tillycoultry (7illyeoultry) Tullibody (Tullibody) Unidentified: 'Schenbothy' (sheriffdoms of Banff, Aberdeen, Kincardine, Forfar, Fife, Kinross, Clackmannan) 203
medieval-atlas/administration/204 Baronies, lordships & earldoms 13: PERTH 1. Aberdalgie (Aberdalgie) 2. Abernethy (Abernethy) 3. AJyth (Alyth) Auchterarder (Auchterarder) Balhousie (Penh) Balindoch (Alyth) Baltrody (Kilspindie) Bamff (Alyth) 9. Cairnie (Moneydie) 10. Caputh (Little Dunkeld) 11. Cargill (Cargill) 12. Collace (Collace) 13. Clunie (Clunie) 14. Easter Cardney (Dunkeld) 15. Errol (Errol) 16. Fingask (Kilspindie) 17. Fortingall (Foningall) 18. Fowlis (Fowlis Easter) 19. Gask (Findogask) 20. Glasciune (Lundeiff) 21. Glen Dochart (Killin) 22. Inchmartin (lnchmnnin) 23. Inchture (lnchture) 24. lnverrnay (Foneviot) 25. Kercock (Kinc/aven) 26. 'Kincardine (Blacliford) 27. Kinciaven (Kinc/aven) 28. Kinnaird (Kinnaird) 29. Kinnoul (Kinnoul) 30. Logie (Monzie) 31. Longforgan (A) (Longforgan) 32. Longforgan (B) (Longforgan) (EDINBURGH, contd.) 33. Megginch (Megginch) 13. Lugton (Losswade) 34. Meigle (Meigle) 14. Melville (Losswade) 35. Meikleour (Little Dunkeld) 15. Nether Liberton (Libenon) 36. Methven (Methven) 16. Newton (Newton) 37. Muirton (Blairgowrie) 17. Penicuik (Penicuik) 38. Murthly (Little Dunkeld) 18. Ratho (Ratha) 39. Powgavie (lnchture) 19. Redhall (Hailes) 40. Rait (Rait) 20. Restalrig (Restalrig) 41. Strathardle (Strathardle) 21. Roslin (Losswade) 42. Strath Gartney (Abeifoyle) 22. West Calder (Calder-Comitis) 43. Strathord (Auchtergaven) 44. Tarsappie (Perth) [iJ: EDINBURGH HADDINGTON constab. 11: STIRLING 1. Ballencreif (Aberlady) 1. Airth (Airth) 2. Barns (Haddingtan) 2. Airthbisset (Airth) 3. Bolton (Bolton) 3. Alva (Alva) 4. Byres (Haddington) Callendar (Falkirk) 5. Coulston (Haddington) Cambusbarron (St Ninians) 6. Dirleton (Dirleton) Dundaff (St Ninians) 7. Drem (Haddington) Herbertshire (DunipacelHerbertshire) 8. Duncanlaw (Yester) 8. Kincardine (Kincardine) 9. Elphinstone (Tranent) 9. Leckie (St Ninians) 10. Garleton (Athelstanford) 10. Logie Airthrey (Logie Atheron) 11. Innerwick (lnnerwick) 11. Manuel (Falkirk) 12. Keith (Keith) 12. Touchfraser (St Ninians) 13. Luffness (Aberlady) 13. West Kerse (Kippen) 14. Morham (Marham) 15. North Berwick (North Berwick) 11: EDINBURGH: 16. Pencaitland (Pencaitland) LINLITHGOW constab. 17. Seton (Tranent) Abercorn (Abercom) 18. Tranent (Tranent) Barnbougle (DalmenyfBarnbougle) 19. Yester (Yester) Bathgate (Bathgate) Carriden (Carriden) 1iJ: BERWICK 5. Kinneil (Kinneil) 1. Boon (Legerwood) Strathbrock (Strathbrock) 2. Bunkle (Bunkle +) Winchburgh (Kirkliston) 3. Gordon (Gordon) 4. Huntly (Cordon) m: EDINBURGH 5. Langton (Longton) Balerno (Currie) 6. Legerwood (Legerwood) Calderclere & Kingscavil (Calder-C/ere+) 7. Mordington (Mordington) Crichton (Cramond) Currie (Long Hernmiston) (Currie) ~]:PEEBLES 6. Dalhousie (Cockpen/Dalhousie) 1. Broughton (Stobo) Dalkeith (Losswade) 2. Drummelzier (Stobo) Glencorse (Losswade) 3. Glenholm (Glenholm) Gogar (Gogar) 4. Kilbucho & Newlands (Kilbucho+) 10. Gorton (Losswade) 5. Kirkurd (Kirkurd) 11. Heriot (Heriot +) 6. Linton Roderick (Linton Roderick) 12. Loquhariot (BonhwicklLoquhariot) 7. Manor (Manor) (PEEBLES, contd.) Oliver Castle (Stobo) Romanno (Newlands) 10. Skirling (Skirling) 1iI: SELKIRK I. Selkirk (Selkirk ++) IISJ: ROXBURGH Bedrule (Bedrule) Cavers (Cavers) Caverton (Eclifard) Cessford (Eckford) Chamberlain Newton (Ha wick) 6. Clifton (Morebattle) Crailing (Crailing) Eckford (Ecliford) Ednam (Ednam) 10. Fairnington (Fairnington) 11. Hassendean (Hassendean) 12. Hawick (Hawick) 13. Hownam (Hownam) 14. Jedburgh (Jedburgh ++) 15. Linton (Linton) 16. Longnewton & Maxton (Maxton) '17. Makerston (Makerston) 18. Maxwell (Maxwell) 19. Minto (Minto) 20. Nisbet (Crailling) 21. Oxnam (Oxnam) 22. Plenderleith (Oxnam) 23. Sprouston (Sprouston) 24. Wilton (Wilton) 25. Yetholm (Yetholm) Baronies about 1405, (3): central and south-eastern Scotland AG (sheriffdoms of Perth, Stirling, Edinburgh, Berwick, Peebles, Selkirk, Roxburgh) 204
medieval-atlas/administration/205 Baronies, lordships & earldoms Lordship of The Isles IlARGYLL I. *Benderloch (Ardchattan) 2. Cowal (Dunoon ++) 3. Craignish (Craignish) 4. *Glenbreakery (Kilcolmkill) 5. IGlmun (Kilmun) 6. *IGntyre (Kilcalmonel/ ++) 7. *Knapdale (A) (Kilberry) B. Knapdale (B) (Kilmacocharmik) 9. Lochawe (Kilchrenan/Lochawe +) 10. Melfort (Kilmelfort) 11. Upper Cowal (Lochgoilhead +) Unidentified: 'Gereag' I!] :DUMBARTON I. 'Cardross (Cardross) 2. IGlmaronock (Kilmaronock) 3. Kirkintilloch (Kirkintilloch) D:BUTE I. Arran 2. Bute l!'I!J:LANARK I. Biggar (Biggar) 2. Blantyre 3. Bothwell (Blantyre) (Bothwel£) 13: AYR 4. Braidwood (Cariuke) I. Alloway (AI/away) 5. Cadzow (Cadzow) 2. Ardrossan (Ardrossan) 6. Cambusnethan (Cambusnthan) 3. Cumnock (Cumnock) 7. Carluke (Carluke) 4. Dalmellington (Dalmellington) B. Carmunnock (Carmunock) 5. Dalrymple (Dalrymple) 9. Carnwath (Carnwath +) 6. *Glenstinchar (Colmonel£) ID. Covington (Covington) 7. Grougar (Kilmarnock) 11. Crawford· (Crawford) B. IGlmarnock (Kilmarnock) 12. Crawfordjohn (Crawfordjohn) 9. IGlmaurs (Kilmaurs) 13. Coulter (Culter) ID. Largs (Largs) 14. Dalziel (Dalzie£) 11. Lochmartnaham (Coylton) 15. *Dennistoun (Kilmalcolm) 12. Loudon (Loudon +) 16. Douglas (Douglas +) 13.0chiltree (Ochiltree) 17. Drumsargard (CamuslangIDrumsargard) 14. Pokelly (Kilmarnock) lB. Hartside (Hartside) 15. Rowallan (Kilmarnock) 19. IGlbride (Kilbride) 16. Sundrum (Coylton) 20. Lamington (Lamington) 21. Machan (Machan) B:DUMFRIES 22. Mauldslie (Cariuke) I. Amisfield (TInwald) 23. Pettinain (Pettinain) 2. *Balmaclellan (Balmadel/an) 24. Roberton (Roberton) 3. Barburgh (Dalgamo) 25. Stonehouse (Stonehouse) 4. *Buittle (Buittle) 26. Strathaven (Strathaven) 5. *Cally (Girthpn) 27. Symington (Symington) 6. Carlaverock (Carlaverock) 2B. Thankerton (Thankerton) 7. Closebum (Closebum) 29. Walston (Walston) B. Dalswinton (A) (Kirkmahoe) 30. Wiston (Wiston) 9. Dalswinton (B) (Kirkmahoe) Baronies about 1405, (4): south-western Scotland (DUMFRIES, contd.) ID. Drumlanrig (Durisdeer) 11. Durisdeer (Durisdeer) 12. Enoch (Durisdeer) 13. Ewesdale (Ewes) 14. Glencairn (Glencairn) 15. *Glenken (Dairy) 16. IGrkandrews (Kirkandrews) 17. IGrkrnichael (Kirkmichael) lB. Morton (Morton) 19. *Preston (Kirkbean) 20. Sanquhar (Sanquhar) 21. Staplegordon (Staplegordon) 22. Snade (Glencaim) 23. Terregles (Terregles) 24. Tibbers (Durisdeer) 25. Torthorwald (Torthorwald) 26. *Urr (Urr) 27. Westerkirk (Westerkirk) Unidentified: 'Malarnock', *'New Forest' f.i:WIGTOWN I. 'Carnesmole (KirkinnerICarnesmole) 2. *Cruggleton (Cruggleton) 3. *Mochrum (Mochrum) (sheriffdoms of Argyll, Dumbarton, Bute, Lanark, Ayr, Dumfries, Wigtown) 205
medieval-atlas/administration/206 Baronies, lordships & earldoms • : Stewart Principality Renfrew Carriek Cunningham Kyle Stewart Cowal (Argl) Knapdale (Argl) Bute (Bute) Arran (Bute) s. Ratho (Edbr) 6. lnnerwiek (Hdtn) • : Douglas Galloway Annandale Lauderdale Douglas (Lnrk) Carmunnoek (Lnrk) Drumsargard (Lnrk) Bothwell (Lnrk) S. Stonehouse (pt) (Lnrk) Strathaven (Lnrk) Coulter (pt) (Lnrk) B. Crawfordjohn (pt) (Lnrk) Heriot (Edbr) 10. Romanno (Pbls) 11. Selkirk (Skrk) 12. Sprouston (Rxbr) 13. Bedrule (Rxbr) 14. Hawiek (Rxbr) IS. Westerkirk (Dmfs) 16. Staplegorton (Dmfs) 17. Kirkandrews (Dmfs). lB. Lintrathen (Frfr) 19. Rattray (Abdn) 20. Aberdour (Abdn) 21. Boharm (Bnff) 22. Duffus (pt) (EIgn) 23. Petty (EIgn) ~. 24. Braehlie (lnvs) (( 25. Strath Dearn (lnvs) 26. Eddirdour (lnvs) 27. Avoeh (Jnvs) .:Crawford Crawford (Lnrk) Kirkmiehael (Dmfs) Meggineh (Prth) Baltrody (Prth) S. Meigle (Prth) Balindoeh (Prth) Alyth (Prth) B. Ethiebeaton (Frfr) lnverarity (Frfr) 10. Earl's Ruthven (Frfr) 11. Guthrie (Frfr) 12. Downie (Frfr) 13. Clova (Frfr) 14. Glenesk (Frfr) IS. Newdosk (Kedn) 16. Urie (Kedn) ·111111111111111 Provincial earldom )i~%f.~7.i{ Provincial lordship Approximate boundary of provincial • • • earldom or lordship· Baronies in the Stewart principality Baronies in the Earldom of Douglas Baronies in the Earldom of Crawford Likely extent of lands in larger baronies .... .., ...... Boundary of sheriffdom Earldoms and lordships about 1405 AG 206
medieval-atlas/administration/207 Baronies, lordships & earldoms • : Stewart Principality Renfrew Carrick Cunningham Kyle Stewart Cowal (Argl) Knapdale (Argl) Bute (Bute) Arran (Bute) Ratho (Edbr) Innerwick (Hdtn) Kyle Regis (Ayr) • ; Earl of Douglas Galloway Annandale Lauderdale Douglas (Lnrk) Rattray (Abdn) Romanno (Pbls) Selkirk (Skrk) Sprouston (Rxbr) Bedrule (Rxbr) Hawick (Rxbr) Westerkirk (Dmfs) Staplegorton (Dmfs) 10. Kirkandrews (Dmfs) ... : Earl of Angus Liddesdale I. Kirriemuir (Frfr) Strathdichty (Frfr) Abernethy (Prth) II Bunkle (Prth) Jedworth (Rxbr) T : Douglas of Dalkeith Dalkeith (Edbr) Aberdour (Fife) Calderclere (Edbr) Garleton (Hdtn) Mordington (Brwk) Lintonroderick (Pbls) Newlands (Pbls) Kilbucho (Pbls) Roberton (Lnrk) 10. Morton (Dmfs) 11. Preston (Dmfs) 12. Buittle (Dmfs) .: Others Earldom of Moray Lordship of Badenoch Lordship of Garioch Earldom of Atholl Earldom of Stratheam Earldom of March Abernethy (lnvs): Lord of Badenoch Strathord (Prth): Duke of A1bany Logie (Prth): Logie of that ilk A1loa (Ckmm): Erskine of that Ilk Kilbride (Lnrk): Stewart of Kilbride Crawford (Lnrk): Earl of Crawford Kirkmichael (Dmfs): Earl of Crawford Terregles (Dmfs) Herries of Terregles .... ..._ ......... ' . ...... / ,' . .'. ,,,' ,...... '.' ~ .\. ~.~ "' ~ ............ -.. -.. .. -..... ~ .. / -: .. ; ••.•• 3 ,:·····~:T.... · .. • 3 ::. T7 :~8 1!lm:1r~:fli::m Earldom or lordship held in regality • Stewart principality (regality) • Earl of Douglas regalities Earl of Angus regalities Douglas of Dalkeith regalities • Other regalities Likely extent of lands in larger regalities Approximate boundary of provincial earldom or lordship held in regality Boundary of sheriffdom Regalities about 1405 AG 207
medieval-atlas/administration/208 Sheriffs, stewards and bailies This sequence of maps shows Fmt the relatively slight development grants of shrieval jurisdiction during the period. A significant of sheriffdoms in the later Middle Ages. The sheriffdom of Argyll development resulted from forfeitures of large regalities, which led emerges in the reign of Robert I (1306-29), Bute later in the to their administration coming under royal authority as stewartries fourteenth century. Renfrew was separated from Lanark about 1414. distinct from neighbouring sheriffdoms -Menteith, Strathearn, Linlithgow appears to have evolved from a constabulary of EdinAnnandale and Kirkcudbright. The Ftnal point illustrated by the burgh into an independent sheriffdom in the fifteenth century, while maps is the holders of the offices ofsheriff, steward and bailie, based Elgin and Forres were merged. The first reference to a sheriffdom on the sets of sheriffs' accounts surviving for 1359, 1455 and 1501, of Tarbert is in 1481. Not shown are those burghs which received supplemented from other sources. ~S1 ~\? o ','1>~ ,_-, " Dunbar " -.'r;:.'f : E.of March:' ,r;:.0";,'" --" NAl,~N $lnd Mo(ay? «Cf ~-' '_0£_, .. ,' .#' '. .. f Robert ..!'# .. __ / William , , Chisholm ,~ ,_' Liddell " , , ~~ .. -... -.. ..~ "', -' , , o , ----, ....' -William ~\ ___ ,'\"''''-... T-l ...... I .. K ' h ~ ... .. ;' .. ... J ~ elt "' ...... 1 , Robert ,-, ' , " , " Ramsay ........ , John -', " Slmon Preston ' ,':wait~'r Haliburton " -~ Douglas I," "', " Duncan )..-_, Wallace: '-, ,"''''... ~ \ '.. I' 1 , , , Approximate boundary of sheriffdoms and stewartry of Kirkcudbright kms 100 William Keith Sheriffs o 25 50 75 ! ! ! I i i WIGTOWN Sheriffdom and Stewartry where holder is o 10 20 30 40 50 60 unidentified miles HLM Sheriffs, stewards and bailies about 1360 208
medieval-atlas/administration/209 Sheriffs, stewards and bailies gilvie ... 0 ,.'" , ..... , f ,••' "o~ } 'f 0 .. ~".. " ,! Thane of '8alfour ,,' ."Q0" ' ... ' Calf(doV' .,' .~00 :' ' >.0\0 ' ..... , ,'~4', ~.. ... ' ... ..!.O~ , 0\?i-Lord ofthe Isles ,,"" 1'.0' and the Earl ,! ,,' ~'1f>.,..,.' ...::.'............of Ross " .. • ..... , ....... 'Lord,'....... ,... ... . .....-.... , ....... ., ....... , .... Keith .,..... ,.......~ Ogilvie I, /}~ ... __ ..... ,. I, of '-... ~ , ... ., "' .......Auchterhouse;--r? "'i, t/(, • Murray of Gaskh.) ~ //J Lord '\ ...., •• ," Shawof Q Campbe~:-i.. Sauchi~ ,. 1/ • :'. Mentelth , ~•••• (\6'l.r1&j Colquhoun \ "'... ofKerse~''''",; ~\..~if . .J~ Luss ' •••••,.! ,. ,•.•, Semple of ': LiVingston t1J Elhotstoun ".., '. , A0\J -'.....f ••••(" .,' Ramsayof ..... ""\ V..' .. I \. "'" :.... "'~ ....'... Dalhous~e... ...... , .. "'''' !J .. ... ",... ..., ". ........./ ...... If ." Lord ill ....:, Lord '. ~,. ': Halles • ea ¥ontgomery(!L~ Hamilton ,-Hayof ,~:,-,:-", ,r' . § . Y... , .Loquhanqt .,' 0' ..,.~CI') ~ ~ , .. ~ " ... " ... ~~:.. , :/i Wa/lace of ' , ,....~~ ., '" , , ,C . . I I} It. .. .. ..} 0
medieval-atlas/administration/210 Sheriffs, stewards and bailies ~ '.... ,,,. ... ,'" -~,f Thane of ", Huntly " ,,
medieval-atlas/administration/211 Justice ayres in the fifteenth century This map illustrates the circuits of the fifteenth-century justiciars as they may be deduced from a variety ofsources. There is little change from the thirteenth century save that the justiciary of Galloway was not revived by Robert 1(1306-20). Instead it was subsumed within the justiciary of Lothian, which was renamed the justiciary south of Forth at the end of David Il's reign . The justiciary of Scotia had already become the justiciary north of Forth. Some ofthe ayre towns changed: Lauder replaced Berwick and Jedburgh Roxburgh, as a • Ayre towns o Former ayre towns ~Direction of travel of ayres _-----~ Conjectural direction of travel of ayres result of English occupation, while the ayre of Angus was held sometimes in Forfar, sometimes in Dundee. Some sheriffdoms do not seem to have received ayre visitations, notably Argyll, where local lieutenants were sometimes given justiciary powers. In theory, the ayres were still held twice a year and they were held more often than has usually been held by historians. The ayres were also supplemented by ad hoc commissions ofjusticiary. ( .... .... / ••/ \...?'
medieval-atlas/administration/212 Burghs 1426 to 1550 The first burgh to receive a feu-farm (feu-fenne) charter was Berwick sometime in the second half of the thirteenth century. The grant had to be renewed twice subsequently after the burgh had been recovered from English control. Aberdeen was the first burgh to receive a feu-farm charter which remained pennanently in force. This was in 1319; similar grants to other burghs soon followed so that by 1425 at least 22 burghs had feu-farm charters. The privilege enabled the burgesses to put any surplus revenue above the amount of the annual farm towards a 'common good' fund which could be used for community projects such as the repair or extension of town buildings. The importance of the charter should not be overestimated. Many burghs had long been leasing their revenues from the chamberlain on a fixed rent running for several years and some were still doing this in the early fifteenth century. Accordingly, the financial administration for supervision of the collection and spending of the burgh revenues was already in place. The main effect ofthe charters was to put this organisation on a more pennanent footing, although they were probably also seen as a mark of status and indicate the crown's recognition of the burghs' increasing economic (and political?) inportance. All but three or four were granted after 1357 when the question of David I1's ransom brought the burgesses to new prominence and parliamentary representation of the burghs became a pennanent feature of central government. Although the charters were largely restricted to royal burghs the idea was copied by other burgh landlords with Dunfennline being granted feu-farm status in 1395. • Forfar (1393)' ~~Undee(1360) . Cupar .3'efore 1426) ~ ~Crall(1393) Stirlin\j~Dunfermllne (1395) (1386) . 1 Edinburgh Rutherglen ,-(1329) (1388) \.... ..,Lanark ~ Irvine (1393y ~ Peebles (~1~) ~ I -
medieval-atlas/administration/213 Burghs 1426 to 1550 Two important features were the rapid expansion in the number of foundations compared with earlier centuries and the increasing predominance numerically of burghs of barony, both ecclesiastical and secular. The administration ofsuch burghs was in line with that of earlier burghs in that (i ) they had no rural hinterland where they might monopoljse and control trade; (ii) they had no inherent right to be represented in parliament and so were not liable for cess; and (iii) they might not offically participate in overseas trade. Burghs of barony however might be raised to the status of royal burghs (for example, Pitlenweem in 1541) and not all such burghs occupied a lesser status. The five greater ecclesiastical burghs -St Andrews, Glasgow, Brechin, Arbroath and Dunfermline -had the same trading privileges as royal burghs. St Andrews and Brechin were repre sented in parliament by the end of the fifteenth century, as were the others by 1579. In the course ofthe sixteenth century they also came to be represented in the convention of royal burghs which protected the privileges of the royal burghs. Membership of this body was another distinction between the 'free' king's burghs and the 'unfree' burghs of barony. Nevertheless, the burghs of barony were increas ingly encroaching upon the former's privileges by the end of the sixteenth century. T7(1495) \~llIeh!II(1500) -!j] Klrnemuir (1..459) • Glamis (1491) -~Auchterh6use (1497) Kelthickt492~ ~AbernethY(14~) • Inveraray (1474) ~ • Falkland (1458) .r1&j { @ portof Menteith @ Leslie Green'(1458) IJ (1467)'jjJAlloa (1497) ,../ . 11 ~ulross(1490) • Kilmun Cramond~Dunbar (1445) (1490) . (1 9 . '" ~Palsley 4 2) !j] Dunglass (1489) ~(148~ [e]rRoslin '\ \) ~Hamilton (1475)7 ~1456) !j] Duns (1490) IJ ~ StrathavenlAl '\ 1Al. Carnwath (1451) "" (1450 ~ ~ F (14!!.!.) . !j] (1.451) \ ~~ouglas \. Newton Upon Ayr (1464) .../ (1446) l!J.sanquha\ /. \. 1484) ! l /....../ \ Lochmaben ..,"" Torthorwald (1440) ..' \ \, )473) " Ballinclach (1497J'--1 Myreton (1477) • 7. \. Whithorn (1451) • Burghs held of the crown £ Burghs of Barony (ecclesiastical) kms 0 25 50 7,5 100 , ,, !j] Burghs of Barony I 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Burghs 1430 to 1500 EE 213
medieval-atlas/administration/214 Burghs 1426 to 1550 I Aberdour (West) 1501 2 Clatt 3 Fettercairn 1504 4 Merton 1504 5 Pencaitiand 1505 6 Auchinleck 1507 7 Ruthwell 1508 8 Newburgh 1509 de novo 9 Curnnock 1509 10 Kildrummy 1509 11 Dysart 1501, 1549 de novo 12 Langton 1510 13 Strathmiglo 1510 14 Terregles or Herries 1510 15 Dalnagaim 1510 16 Mauchline 1510 17 Crawford 1511 (a 13 c burgh, re-erected burgh of barony) 18 Hawick 1511 . 19 Au1deam 151 I 20 Dunning 151 I 21 Wemyss or Wester Wemyss 151 I 22 Kirkmichael or Kirkill or Kirkton or Tomlachan 1511 23 Balnkilly 151 I 24 Balnald 15 I I ) \ 25 Corshi11 -Over lnchgall 15 I I . 26 Kincardine O'Neil 151 I 27 Whithom 151 I (till this date dependent on the prior and canons of Whithom) 28 Turiff 1512 29 Largo 15 I 3 30 Maybole 1516 31 Auchterrnuchty 1517 32 Pittenweem 1526 de novo 33 Kirkintilloch 1526 (13 c burgh, re-erected burgh of barony) 34 Scrabster 1527 35 Dryburgh 1527 36 Kilmaurs 1527 ,;;::7 37 Down or Doune 1528 38 Saltcoats 1529 39 Kincardine 1532 (erected in liberum burgum, but probably ancient burgh) 40 Findhom or Seatown or Kin10ss 1532 41 Annan 1532 (in 13 c dependent on the Bruce lords of Annandale} 20 31 47 ~ 48 13f50 ~44 37 -"--J ~251 245 42 Drummochy 1540 43 Dalkeith 1540 (early 15 c .burgh, re-erected 330 11 46 1~~4 burgh of barony 44 Anstruther Wester 1541 /43/ 45 Pittenweem 1541 (previously dependent on the prior of Pittenweem) 46 Bumtisland 1541 . 47 Pitlessie 1541 48 Kinross 1541 49 Cowie 154 I 50 Durris 1541 51 East Haven of Panmure 1541 52 Ballantrae 1541 53 Newbigging 1541 54 Tranent 1542 55 Arbuthnott 1543 56 Fraserburgh or Faithlie 1546 57 Hamilton 1549 (in 15 c a burgh of barony) · 58 Portsoy 1550 kms • L Burgh held of the crown Burghs of Barony (ecclesiastical) 0 I 0 25 I , 10 20 50,, 30 75, , 50 100 60 o Burghs of Barony Burghs 1501 to 1550 miles EPD 214
medieval-atlas/administration/215 Burghs 1426 to 1550 Gilds are found throughout medieval western European as socioreligious groups which developed in towns as economic organisations involved in mercantile pursuits. The emergence of burghs in Scotland was often tightly linked with gilds merchant, although it cannot be concluded with certainty that all early burghs possessed them. The early gild merchant could reflect the self-expression of the burgh, and gild members (as able members ofsociety rather than as gild members) took an increasingly dominant role in the organisation of the burgh and admission ofburgesses. The interminglingof the function of burgh and gild lasted into the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries in smaller burghs and was most apparent in the gild's control of the town's commercial activities (e.g. pricing of basic commodities, fining forestallers and regraters, monopolisation of dealing in staple goods, hides, furs, skins, wool and wool fells, overseeing the cloth and leather industries, controlling overseas trade). Gild members were the wealthier burgesses, entrance being by right of inheritance, or for service to the town or gild, or by the intercession ofthe crown or other influential person, or by payment. Early burgh laws and charters exclude weavers, f1eshers, dyers and (;> fullers from gild membership, but in practice craftsmen were accepted into the gild's fraternity. As formal craft organisations emerged in the larger burghs in the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, a certain exclu iveness and social stratification manifested itself in economic tension between groups, but in the smaller burghs the gild merchant maintained its role as an organisation of men, whether merchants or craftsmen, who dealt in merchandise. Dundee "'---Perth (1249 x 1286) (pre-1189 x 1202) 0 ~StA d Cupar n rews (1369) (1189 x 1202) Stirling 0 ( (1226) f -I' ,r'"O"Bumtisland Dun erm Ine~(1541) (1395) • 'r Edinburgh .-(1401) • km. Burghs with gilds merchant already in existence by the 0 2,5 50 75 100 ,, , , date shown 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 o Burghs with gilds merchant granted on the date shown miles Burghs with gilds merchant by 1550 EPD 215
medieval-atlas/administration/216 Forests 1286 to 1513 Several royal forests survived into the later Middle Ages, but many and there was less detrimental economic activity. A cluster of were subdivided or alienated. Few new royal forests appeared in the reserves appeared in the southern central Highlands, where fourteenth century. In the fifteenth century more reserves appear in Glenfinglas was a favoured royal lodge, and royal forests spread in the Highland area than previously as game was more plentiful there the Don and Dee valleys ~ . ~ ~/Spey' -~Rannoch....-....-Langmorn ~n;ond • ~ Boyne l,_ ) Strathdearn • L~h~ndOrb J -'-. / f Cabrauch M~r & Klldrrummy saddynYOn 00_ ~Kintore I \ ? -.. .... o Cluanie Corgarff 0 Mar & Garrioch Cordyce _ .f' ) ~Mar & Cambuskist 'Glenaan' 0 ( . o Lochaber '-. ~• Durns Corscarne /'--Glenshee 0 \ 0 ;: Qt-Garvock o Ra~~~e,rie Mamlorne 0 Str~thbraan & Birna~ o 0 Glen Sh~rvie & C;;~iemuckloch o Ben Mor~.0 Q!!l~nd o Glen Artney 0 Abernethy ~ ~Culface o Menteith • Kinross · 6ardenden kms 100 0 25 50 75 • Royal forests first recorded between 1286 and 1424 I i i i i 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 o Royal forests first recorded between 14241513 miles Royal forests 1286 to 1513 JMG 216
medieval-atlas/administration/217 Forests 1286 to 1513 The fourteenth century saw a decline in the popularity of the forest fifteenth century witnessed a resurgence of the forest grants, espegrant. Instead there was a preference for the hunting park within cially in the north. It was no longer the preservation of game but the which it was easier to control game than in the unenclosed forest. protection of the vert for which such grants were valued, reflecting Several of the larger reserves appear to have died out. The later a shortage of timber and the changing position of hunting rights generally. o PI~e~Rye'and orest Enzie t .......) f • ~oyne Lochindorb ~ -J' • /. 0 Glenrinnes / ca,6rauchJ B~nachie Aldnakist & Lechory 0 ~ar& Ga&h I / Olnvernochty C . GI~carvie & Glenconrie 0 _ ~?,"erfle ,-/ ~Culblane Drum ~~Ien Esk jcowie Ien Proseno ~ o Kilgarie ~arlsruthv~Plater --=-M~n of Strathbraan & Birnam .~~r;;nie Glen Turret Redgortonb -% ;y lomaknock Drummond 0 Culface ~ .,J2,Fillklan Haldane ~ Wester Kers & A)vi" o or Clackmannan /cardenden~ o • Carriden Seton Cumbernauld 0 callendafdeny{s. ~ £',,,n
medieval-atlas/administration/218 Forests 1286 to 1513 In his forests the king controlled the vert as well as the game. The vert, which comprised whatever vegetation there was in the forest, was reserved for the harbouring and nourishment of the game. The king could licence others to use the forest resources, sometimes free of charge but more frequently for payment of tolls such as pannage for grazing pigs or herbage and foggage for other animals. Controlling economic pressures to graze and plough within the reserve led to severe difficulties, for example in Ettrick Forest, where by the fifteenth century the whole of the reserve was divided into steads or holdings. A special system of wards, officials and courts was developed to try to control the use of the vert and venison (greater game), but finally James IV (1488-1513) gave up the struggle. The rents of Ettrick were far too valuable to lose and feu-ferming was introduced between I S06 and IS 10. • Ashkirk Ettrick Forest JMG 218
medieval-atlas/administration/219 The Session In the first three-quarters of the fifteenth century, the main central civil court was parliament, which usually nominated committees of auditors to hear causes whilst and whenever the parliament was sitting. On several occasions between 1457 and 1472 the estates chose further groups of lords to hold judicial sittings -'the session' in regional centres, between parliaments. Thereafter, when parliament was not sitting, civil causes were dealt with centrally only by the king's council. By 1496 the council had superseded the parliamentary committees as the main central civil tribunal, the direct antecedent of the college of justice and the court of session. From some time in the 1470s until 1488 the council held judicial sittings only in Edinburgh, but in lames lV's reign, and especially in the 1490s, the council heard causes in the provinces, following the ayres, or sitting wherever the king's court happened to be at the time. After 1500 that practice became less common, and the council's regular Edinburgh sessions were organised to deal with cases from specific parts of the country in turn. In 1503 an extensive table of causes was drawn up based on a five part division of the kingdom. Later groupings of sheriffdoms had greater geographical coherence, but the composition, and the time allocated to each grouping, varied fromonediet to another. Subsequently, the districts became larger and fewer, and the time allocated to each correspondingly longer. After 1590 the system of districts fell into desuetude: the whole country was then treated as a unity and the court dealt with cases according to priority of calling. On the other hand, the central criminal court has always gone on circuit, and to this day still does. 'P.-b e,...% ?....; . ~~ 8 April 1457 for I month ", .. 1 • Places where the session was held " " The session 1457/8 TMC r1 A 21 N0'iD
medieval-atlas/administration/220 The Session ~~1~1~ Inverness (12) Banff, / Aberdeen (20) " I nveroervie (1) Dundee (12) Perth (11)~tAndrews (2) frl" (87) ..Qypar (7) I 109 • Dunfermline (1) " " ~Whav'lC(1)Llnhthgow (18) Edinburgh (t379) • LaUderi2\ Ayr (3) Peebles ti 0) • SelkIrk (2) ~ . \ )edburgh (17) .. Dumfnes (21) ~ wlgtow~ ~KlrkCUdbnght (3) • Places where the council sat, ( , ~ 'Ill' ~ '" with number of sitting days ' " m .1l'.. ~ Council sittings 1488 to 1513 TMC I June 15 August " ___ Boundaries of districts 'Ill' Boundaries of districts 'Ill' with dates with dates Court of session districts 1517, 1532 PGBM Court of session districts 1590 PGBM 220
medieval-atlas/administration/221 Lords of erection Generally, the holder of an ecclesiastical benefice had only a life interest in that benefice. This was the case with regularly appointed bishops, abbots and parsons; and it was also the case with those who, whether they were churchment or laymen, were comrnendators or oeconomi for life of the benefice. After the Reformation grants of benefices in commendam were made by the crown, and they were made increasingly to laymen: but these grants remained for life only. In 1587 an act of parliament annexed to the crown (with certain exceptions) all lands, lordships and other rights whjch had fonnerly pertained to ecclesiastical persons; and others were annexed later. The crown used its position as proprietor of these lands to erect former ecclesiastical property (mostly monastic lands) into temporal lordshjps which were indistinguishable from lay tenures. The map shows the foundations which were thus created: some others were merel y secu larised. ~ • Reslennelh 1606 _ CuparAngus 15'6, /~rbroalh 1606 cone1581 B ImZino1603 InChaffrey 0 1669 Elcho '-~I Andrews 1592 --Lindores,) Inchmah~me 1604 v16~Pittenweem 1587,1589 cambuskenne~Dunfermline 1587,1589 1606 CulrosS~,.".I;'lnbhcolm.ro-~orth Berwick 1588 1589 -~1609J0 Haddinglon 1621 Torphichen 1589 • Od """'--. _ Paisley 0 ~ Holyro 0 0 ~oldingham 1606 1587 -~ / ~ Newbattle SI Balhans 1622 Blantyre 159819 1587 "'"'
medieval-atlas/administration/222 Justices of the peace 1587 to 1663 In England from the Middle Ages, the justice of the peace had constituted a significant element in local administration and justice. In Scotland, on the other hand, the office was only introduced tentatively in 1587; and more extensive and more elaborate commisions were made in 1610 and 1663. The Cromwellian period had enhanced the status of the justices; after the Restoration and more so after the Unjon, the jurisdiction of the justices increased. Their primary function was the keeping of the peace; but they also acquired power to enforce regulations in relation to vagabonds, the poor, forestallers and regraters, wages and the like. The county of Edinburgh arrogated to itself a civil jurisdiction in small clajms up to £40 Scots (£3:6:8d or £3.33 sterling). Their administrative dutks were ultimately taken over by central and local government. The three maps show the numbers of commissioners designated for each shire in the years 1587, 1610 and 1663. The commissions of 1610 and 1663 included as ex officio commissioners, privy councillors and lords of session; and the commjssion of 1610 also included as ex officio commissioners the magistrates of the burghs and towns within the county. Cromarty (but not Ross) appears in the commissions of 1587 and 1610; and Ross (but not Cromarty) appears in the commission of 1663. Justices of the peace 1587 22 , • New Galloway - Number of justices of the peace by county, where known Number of justices of the peace for more than one county Justices of the peace 1610 7 Dundee Kirkcudbright J Number of justices of the peace by county, where known Burghs from whose magistrates justices of the peace were drawn Justices of the peace 1663 PGBM 222
medieval-atlas/administration/223 Circuit /C(m.lllrt§ 1672 From 1514 to 1628 the office ofjustice general ofall Scotland was held by the earls of Argyll. After 1628, the office was surrendered to the Crown but under reservation to the Campbell family of the justiciary of Argyll and the Isles which was held by the Campbells until the abolition of the heritable jurisdictions in 1748 In 1672, after various attempts to grapple with the administration ofcriminal justice outside Edinburgh, the former system of appointing justice deputes was brought to an end; and instead, the justice general, thejusticeclerkandfive lords ofsession (who were lrgYlI ()Justiciary~ o ca already remunerated in respect of their civil judgeships) were charged with jurisdiction in criminal causes. Two of these 'lords commissioners of justiciary' were appointed to keep courts at .the circuit towns which are shown on the map. In general, each circuit court dealt with the crimes which had been committed within the counties within the circuit. Later, the circuits came to be referred to by the points of the compass, north, south, west and home; and the circuits were modified to meet the changes in population and the incidence of crime. kms Argyll Justiciary 0 25 50 75 • I ,, , 100 ! ! Circuit towns 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Circuit courts 1672 PGBM 223
medieval-atlas/administration/224 Parliament 1660 to 1707 The Scottish parliament ofthe Restoration consisted ofthe lords, the bishops (from 1662 to 1689) and the representatives ofthe shires and the burghs. The bishop had been restored to their rights in 1662. Earlier, in 1633, the new bishopric of Edinburgh had been created: it consisted ofthat part ofthe archbishopric ofSt. Andrews which lay to the south of the Firth of Forth. The maps, which show the distribution of the members of (;> P I sles Isles Bishoprics • Episcopal sees • Archepiscopal sees parliament before the Union, are based on the sederunts of 1662 and 1706. After 1707, the Scots were accorded a smaller number ofseat in the united parliament ofGreat Britain. Thu ,in the House ofLords, there were only sixteen Scotti h peers and they were elected by the whole body of Scottish peers. This system lasted in substance until the Peerage Act 1963 which permitted all Scottish peers to sit and vote in the House of Lords. thness Aberdeen Br echin • Brechin D unkeld ,
medieval-atlas/administration/225 Parliament 1660 to 1707 The map shows the location of the seats of the various lords who and Selkirk). Notable absentees from the sederunt of 1706 include appear in the sederunt of 1706, with the addition of the chancellor, the dukes ofDouglas and Gordon and the earls ofAberdeen, Aboyne, the earl of Seafield. Some seats cannot be identified and some lords Airlie, Breadalbane, Camwath, Linlithgow, Melville, Moray, had no Scotlish seat (Islay, Dunmore, Bellenden, Abercom, Delorain Nithsdale, Seaforth and Southesk. Lord Caithness 2 Sutherland 3 Cromartie 4 Duffus 5 Seafield 6 Findlater 7 Oliphant 8 Saltoun 9 Banff 10 Forbes II Fraser 12 Kintore 13 Erroll 14 Atholl 15 Forfar 16 Marischal 17 Strathmore 18 Northesk 19 Gray 20 Kinnaird 2 I S torrnont 22 Dupplin 23 Balmerino 24 Rollo 25 Crawford 26 Argyll 27 Montrose 28 Mar 29 Rothes 30 Leven 31 Balcarres 32 Kincardine 33 Hopetoun 34 Torphichen 35 Roseberry 36 Morton 37 Lothian 38 Cranston 39 Dalhousie 40 Elibank 41 Blantyre 42 Haddington 43 Belhaven 44 Bute 45 Glasgow 46 Sempill 47 Ross 48 Elphinstone 49 Kilsyth 50 Hamilton 51 Hyndford 52 Tweeddale 53 Garnock 54 Glencairn Seat 55 EglintonHaimer 56 Kilmarnock Dunrobin 57 Loudon Tarbat House ~' 58 Wemyss Duffus Castle ~ 59 Lauderdale Cullen House 60 Marchmont Cullen House 61 Colville Pinendreigh ~~ 62 Buchan Philorm House 63 RoxburgheForglen House 64 BarganyCastle Forbes 65 QueensberryCastle Fraser 66 Stair Keith Hall 67 WigtownSlains 68 Galloway Blair Atholl 69 Annandale Both well Castle Dunnonar Castle Glarnis Castle Ethie Castle Gray House Drimmie House Scone Palace Dupplin Castle Balmerino Duncrub Park SlrUthers Inveraray Castle Buchanan Castle Alloa House Leslie Balgonie Castle Balcarres House Broomhall Hopetoun House Calder House Barnbougle Dalmahoy Newbattle Abbey CranSlOn Dalhousie Castle Ballencreiff Lennoxlove Tyninghame House Biel House Mount Stuart Kelburn Castle Sempill Castle Hawkhead Elphinstone Tower Kilsyth Castle Hamilton Palace Carrnichael House Yester Castle Kilbimie Castle Kilmaurs Eglinton Castle Kilmarnock House Loudon Castle Wemyss Castle Thirlstane Castle Polwanh Ochiltree Castle Cardross House Roors House Bargany Drumlanrig Castle Castle Kennedy Cumbernauld House Glasserton House Lochwood • Duke C Marquis • Earl kms 0 2,5 50 7,5 100 • Viscount t I I I 0 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 Lord miles Parliament: the lords 1706 PGBM 225
medieval-atlas/administration/226 Parliament 1660 to 1707 In the pre-Union parliament, each shire was represented by one to equivalent ofshires. The information shown on the map is taken from four members -depending upon the importance of the shire. By 1681 the sederunt of 1706: there. Sutherland appears without any the number of shires had been stabilised as 33. The constabulary of representative against it; and Kinro,s has been omitted. Haddington and the stewartry of Kircudbright were regarded as the Inverness (l) Perth (4) Ross (2) Shire boundaries Shire names with number of members where known Shire of Cromarty o I o Parliament: the shires before 1707 25. , 10 20 kms 50,, 30 miles 7? , 50 100 , 60 PGBM 226
medieval-atlas/administration/227 Parliament 1660 to 1707 In the British House ofCommons there were to be forty-five Scottish shires had one member each; and the remaining six shires were made members. The Scottish parliament settled the distribution of the into three groups ofthree: in each group the election was made in one members among the shires and burghs in such a way that thirty ofthe shire after another Inverness Shire boundaries Wigtown Shire names Shire of Cromarty Caithness with Bute Ross with Nairn Clackmannan with Kinross Parliament: the shires from 1707 o I o 10 25. , 20 kms 50,, 30 miles 75, , 50 100 60 PGBM 227
medieval-atlas/administration/228 Parliament 1660 to 1707 .. .. < .. "Detail of south-east Fife Wick Tain ~Fortrose'~1 ?n~CUIIQenBanff ~/~r-Forr;s~ Dingwall~ N~irn ~Invernes: ./~ Inverurie ~Aberdeen Inverbervie • Burghs represented in parliament before 1707 0 I 0 Parliament: the burghs before 1707 2,5 , 10 20 kms 50,, 30 miles 75, , 50 100 , 60 PGBM 228
medieval-atlas/administration/229 Parliament 1660 to 1707 The Scoltish parliament distributed the Scoltish burgh seats in the Representation of the People (Scotland) Act 1832 which redistribunited parliament of Great Britain. Edinburgh had one member; and uted the seats in a different way so as to give better reflection of the the rest of the burghs were organised in groups of either four or five, changes in population which had taken place since the Union. and each group had one member. This arrangement lasted until the G> BOO') Kintore Aberdeen Crail Kilrenny Anstruther Easter Perth Anstruther Wester Pitlenweem Inveraray Inverkeithing Dunfermline Stirling ~ Culros",-:~....~-..,. , Dumbarton Linlithgow Rothe~ Glasgow R;~frew~ Rutherglen • Edinburgh • Other burghs represented in parliament kms , ,, , , 0 25 50 75 100 ~Groups of burghs with ~one joint member 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Parliament: the burghs from 1707 PGBM 229
medieval-atlas/economic-development/231 Economic development Burghs Scottish burghal status was divided into three types: royal, ecclesiastical and baronial, depending on whether the overlord was the king, an abbot or bishop or a magnate. The earliest burghs were founded by the king, but soon the Crown allowed others to found their own burghs. The fir t ecclesiastical burghs of which we have recordsareStAndrews(I140x I 153)andCanongate(1143x 1147). Prestwick (1165 x 1173) was the first to be founded as a baronial burgh. Between 1430 and I 530there was an escalation in the number ofburgh foundations compared with earlier centuries. Perhaps more significant was the increasing number of burghs of barony, whether 1 Kinghom 2 Inverkeithing 3 Queensferry (South) 4 Canongate 5 Musselburgh • Royal burghs -Baronial burghs /jrCullen .~ _ El In -Banff ~Rosemarkie ~ ,-Forres Rattray Dingwall Nairn ~ Inverness A Fyvie Inverurie _ Newburgh Inverbervie '-"..r-r~"'--''' Montrose • Forfar ~Arbroath Perth /:;JID}lndee ~Newbur~ Auchterarder. • St Andrews ---.....r\ Cupar Ai . Dunblane.Q ~/-Crall SlIr1ing .-Kirkcaldy • Selkirk Kel~o / ~~:'5lbU~~h Staplegorton ? Innermessan \f:i9!OWn kms o 50 75 100 ;' . i ecclesiastical or secular. Such 'unfree' burghs were not granted rural hinterlands where they might monopolise or control trade; they had no inherent right to be represented in parliament, but consequently were not liable for cess (except in so far as they contributed as part of a shrieval levy), and they might not, officially, participate in overseas trade. These burghs might be raised to royal status, as was Pittenweem(founded in 1525), in 1541.The five greater ecclesiastical burghs -St Andrews,Glasgow, Brechin, Arbroath and Dunfermline -not only enjoyed the same trading privileges as royal burghs, but also paid taxation and were represented in the Convention of Royal Burghs. Cromarty~ C Ecclesiastical burghs o 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles ? Burghs whose functioning IS questionable EPD,EE Status of burghs in 1430 231
medieval-atlas/economic-development/232 Burghs Some burghs changed their status over time. Royal burghs, such as Jedburgh and Wigtown, were granted by the king to baronial overlords. Burghs might also change status with a change in status of their overlord. lrvine, a baronial burgh, became royal when its Stewart overlord succeeded to the crown in 1371. Until the fifteenth century, status was not an issue of vital importance for burghs, as rights and privileges were based on the antiquity of the burgh's charters. Several non-royal burghs, such as St Andrews, orth Berwick and Dunbar, participated in trade and C Royal -> baronial [j] Baronial -> royal D Royal -> ecclesiastical [::J Royal -> baronial -> royal were taxed by the C'rown in the fourteenth century along with the royal burghs. The first hint of a differentiation probably developed in the later fourteenth century with the regular representation ofsome burghs, mostly royal, in parliament. The first reference to a 'royal burgh' came in the foundation charter of Rothesay in 140 I. In the same year, the charter for Dalkeith referred to it as 'baronial'. By the early fifteenth century, non-royal began to outnumber royal burghs, and status had become a more imponant issue. kms o I 25 , 50 ,, 75, , 100 , , miles Burghs: changes in status before 1430 EE 232
medieval-atlas/economic-development/233 Royal burghs and burghs of barony There were comparatively few royal burghs founded in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries -a total of 21 between 1560 and 1707 but only two of these came after 1650. The period 1450-1707 saw, however, the erection of 350 burghs of barony and regality; 121 of them were founded 1561-1660 and a further 110 between 16611707. It has been suggested that as many as 140 of these, including many of the post-I660 foundations, were non-viable. Royal burghs o Before 1560 • 1560 to1707 Royal burghs 60% All royal burghs Burghs 01 barony50 Crieff 40 ~------------.. Market centres r-------0 r.......... ... Percentage of trade 30 _en ~----ci\- "'''' ~~Jt~~ -"'~ [------ 10 1-:-:-:-:-:-:- The case of Perthshire is a useful example. In 1692, the pre1560 foundations (both royal and baronial) accounted for 51 % of inland trade; those founded between 1600 and 1660 accounted for 29% more; the large number of post-I 660 foundations, including licensed market centres outside burghs, handled only 16% and nearly half of this was accounted for by Crieff. • Burghs of barony New burghs of barony 1660-1707 ~viable burghs 150 D Burghs 01 barony 125 100 Number 75 of burghs o~~~~~~~~--L---~ 1450-1560 1561-1660 1661-1707 Share of inland trade in Perthshire 1692 Growth of burghs of barony 1450-1707 Royal burghs and burghs of barony to 1707 ML 233
medieval-atlas/economic-development/234 Burgh trading liberties Aberdeen was granted the sheriffdom as its trading liberty by Alexander tion over baronial burghs like Fyvie and similarly over tanners at 11 without prejudice to the rights of other burghs such as Kintore and Inverurie, although inhabitants of Kintore were still customarily sent Fyvie. By 1400, however. Aberdeen was apparelltly claiming jurisdic-to the sheriff. &tf Aberdeen kms ? , 2r, ~p o 10miletO 30 Burgh trading liberties: Aberdeen is " " _ •• L· • Ayr's earliest charter of 1203 x 1207 named five places, roughly outlining if identified at Laicht, it included Carrick, which is more likely as it the boundaries of Ayrshire, for collection of toll on market goods. The is Ayr that later claimed jurisdiction over Maybole. By the foursouthern extent of the liberty is a matter of controversy: if 'Lochtalpin' is teenth century, Ayr's liberty had been eroded to the north by the placed at Dalmellington, the area included only Cunningham and Kyle; privilegesoflrvine, confirmed in 1372 as extending overCunningham and Largs . . L~rgs : . : ..• Maich Water ...... ... ..... ·CUNNINGHAM ..... . . Firth Clyde KYLE CARRICK Irvine liberty . Laicht kms Ayr liberty o 1 1p Possible early boundary of Ayr liberty I EE Burgh trading liberties: Ayr and Irvine 0 234
medieval-atlas/economic-development/235 Burgh trading liberties In 1363, David 11 confirmed to the four regality burghs of Dunfermline -Dunfermline. Kirkcaldy. Musselburgh and Queensferry -the sole right to trade within the regality. Although this did not make clear whether the regality was made up into four separate areas of monopoly, the burgh records ofDunfermline and Kirkcaldy indicate that their commercial hinterlands lay to the north of the Forth and were distinct. The grant of I 363 affected the liberty ofInverkeithing, which had been defined as early as the reign of William the Lion as between the waters of the Devon and Leven, and further confirmed in 1399 as such and lying to the south of 'the large standing stone beyond the mill of Ellhorth' (Milnathort); its north-east boundary marked that of Cupar. Enforcement of trading boundaries in such a patchwork of jurisdictions was never wholly effective. In 1488, Dunfermline rebuffed Kirkcaldy's claim to sole right to trade in Goatmilk by appealing to the feudal superior, the abbot of Dunfermline; yet by 1583 Kirkcaldy claimed both it and Kinglassie from Dunfermline. By the sixteenth century, Inverkeithing's rights over Culross, the extent of the parish of Kinghom, the petty customs at Dysart and the customs of the St Luke's fair at Kinross were all disputed; the erection of Burntisland and Culross into royal burghs in 1586 and 1592 further threatened Inverkeithing's liberty. Trading hinterLand of Perth Cupare Trading hinterLand of Cupar Earls Ferry F j r t h of Forth Trading hinterland of Dunfermline kmsTrading hinterland of Inverkeithing 0 5 10 15 I I I Trading hinterland of Kirkcaldy I I I 0 5 10 Trading hinterland of Kirkcaldy or Dunfermline Miles Burgh trading liberties: Dunfermline, Kirkcaldy and Inverkeithing about 1500 EPD 235
medieval-atlas/economic-development/236 Burgesses' landed interest During the fourteenth century it became increasingly common for wealthier burgesses -Like Adam Forrester of Edinburgh, who was prominent in crown service, or the Perth families of Mercer and Spens, who acquired land along Loch Lomond through marriage to a Campbell heiress -to acquire lands outwith their burghs. Country estates provided produce, rents and status. They could be acquired through marriage or as a reward for service to church, Crown or a magnate as well as being a means to invest surplus capital. Some families severed their connections with their burgh oforigin but this generally took a number of generations; most continued to participate in burgh life. This practice was made easier by the fact that most country estates belonging to burgesses were situated relatively close to their burghs. • Edinburgh Burgesses' landed interest in the fourteenth century: Aberdeen, Perth and Edinburgh The early seventeenth century saw a boom in the acquiring by wadset of rural property by Edinburgh merchants as collateral for lending money to nobles and lairds throughout Scotland. Almost half of the 300 wealthiest merchants of the capital accepted the mortgage of rural property, under terms of reversion usually of two, seven or nineteen years. None abandoned mercantile activities to become either property speculators or country lairds. In a period of rising grain prices, the wadsetters were more interested in collecting the rentals and produce rather than establishing themselves on estates, more than 40% of whi ch were beyond the immediate vicinity of Edinburgh. Yet the areas involved included some ofthe most fertile in the country. William Dick, wealthiest of Edinburgh's merchant princes, had properties extending from Ayrshire to Caithness and f.i~ '\:, purchased a six-year tack ofOrkney in 1636 for £35,730 per annum. But many, like Dick, were badly hit by the crises of the 1640s and 1650s; the Edinburgh money market, as a result, was far less interested in investing in rural property in the second half of the century. Amongst the nobles and lairds involved were the Kerrs, Homes and Maitlands in the Borders; the Erskines and Hamiltons in central Scotland; the Bruces and Wardlaws in Fife; the Sinclairs and Urquharts, as well as the earl of Caithness and the Earl Marischal, north of the Tay; the earl of Eglinton, Lord Herries and the Stewarts in the south-west; and the earl of Morton along with representatives of almost every prominent family in Lothian. North of Tay 14 Fife 13 13 36 10 14 Distribution of Edinburgh burgesses' landed Percentage distribution of Edinburgh burgesses' interest in the seventeenth century landed interest in the seventeenth century, by region 236
medieval-atlas/economic-development/237 Trade: wool producing monasteries The handbook ofthe Italian merchant, Francesco Balducci Pegolotti, which was composed about 1400, contains two lists of prices ofwool from various Scottish monasteries: the first list gives prices of three types of graded wool from eight monasteries (all of which except Dunfermline were Cistercian); the second gives seven houses which sold unsorted wool at an average of 9-10.5 merks a sack. The concentration of these wool producing monasteries (based on • Other places • Monasteries selling graded wool o Monasteries selling ungraded wool (Cl Cistercian house (B) Benedictine house lA) Augustinian house (T) Tironensian house Professor Duncan's identification of them) in the east and the southeast is striking. It underlines the predominance ofeast coast burghs in overseas trade. Berwick, and by the fourteenth century; Edinburgh were well placed to export wool which went mostly to Flanders; the ungraded wool came from their hinterlands. Although Glenluce and Dundrennan may have sent wool to Ireland, Pegolotti's prices suggest that their wool was of the best quality and perhaps worth transporting to the east. kms o I 25, 50 ,, 75, , 100 , , miles Wool producing monasteries EE 237
medieval-atlas/economic-development/238 Overseas trade: the Middle Ages to the sixteenth century In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the Scottish economy was extent was limited, they immediately became a most valuable source transformed by an unprecedented upsurge in economic activity that of royal revenue. The earliest surviving series are for the period occurred throughout western Europe. The rapid expansion of between 1327 and 1333. There are a few stray returns fQr the I 340s. international trade brought a great influx of foreign traders into and a more or less continuous run from 1361 until 1599. Scotland, mainly in search of wool, skins (cowhides, sheepskins. Until the Wars of Independence there was an almost wild animal pelts) and fish. The creation of burghs was a spin-off continuous expansion of the Scottish economy and it seems likely from this. geared to the regulation of trading activity and to the that by the 1290s Scotland was, relative to England. substantially collection of tolls on commercial traffic. Scotland became, after more prosperous, more so than it has been ever since (see below. England, the most important wool producer in Europe and this wool Taxation in medieval Scotland). The country was divided into three was mainly exported to Flanders and Artois. The herring and cod economic regions, each with a majorentrepot: Berwick south ofthe fisheries were remarkably prolific and the trade in wool fells and Forth. Perth in central Scotland and Aberdeen beyond the Mounth. cowhides was also important. Southern Scotland was always the richest part of the country. The Until the late thirteenth century only what later became earliest surviving customs accounts show that receipts from southern known as the Petty Customs were levied: tolls on imports, exports Scotland were slightly higher than those from the other two regions and internal traffic. But, apart from tariff rates, no record ofthese has combined. with the central and northern regions almost equal. This survived. By the fourteenth century they had become accepted as an disparity was to widen inexorably as the Scottish economy conintegral part of the burghs' own revenues(see below, Burgh farms). tracted throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. By the This change was probably precipitated by the introduction of what 1420s the proportion ofsouthern receipts had risen to overtwo-thirds later became known as the Great Customs: on wool, hides and of the national total and by the 1530s to nearly three-quarters. wool fells, which had been levied in England since 1275. The rates of duty were far higher than the Petty Customs and, although their Until drained in modern times, the wide marshes between the Firth of Forth and the highlands of Dunbartonshire formed an all-but-impenetrable barrier between north and south, other than across the fords and bridge near Stirling, The spine of the Grampians (known in the Middle Ages as The Mounth) formed a comparable barrier from Loch Leven in the west to Nigg in the east, creating two distinct watersheds along which the trade routes passed. In each of the resultant regions -sometimes referred to in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries as Lothian, Scotia and Moray -a predominant burgh had emerged by the mid-twelfth century. The only other significant east coast port was Inverness, which provided a subsidiary funnel for the trade of the far north, much as Roxburgh acted as an internal funnel linking Berwick with the western Lowlands, Dumfries and Galloway. 10 25 , 20 Economic regions until the Wars of Independence kms 50 " 30 miles 75 100 , i 50 60 ML, ASt 238
medieval-atlas/economic-development/239 Overseas trade: the Middle Ages to the sixteenth century The Wars of Independence transformed both the economic situation with Normandy. On the west coast there was a modest trade with of the country and the relative ranking of the Scottish burghs. Perth Ireland, Brittany and the Biscay ports. lost its precedence in central Scotland and thereafter had to share There was a serious trade deficit from the fourteenth power with Dundee, whose coastal position was better suited to the century onwards. The Scots became dependent on the importation larger ships of the late Middle Ages. By the acquisition of subserof manufactures and many raw materials, mainly via Bruges, and vient ports (at Leith, Blackness and Aberlady), Edinburgh, Linlithgow often on grain from the Baltic, Normandy and, occasionally, from and Haddington each secured part of Berwick's former trade; as did England. The price of wool declined throughout the fourteenth other, smaller burghs. By the 1320s Edinburgh had already taken century and demand dropped catastrophically at its end. The trade part of Berwick's trade. It was therefore well placed to take the in hides and woolfells also declined. In order to boost customs largest share of the remainder when Berwick fell to the English in revenues James I (1406-37) greatly expanded the list of exports 1333. In the course of the fifteenth century Edinburgh pushed aside subject to duty, a process completed by James III (1460-88). The all its rivals and by the 1470s controlled over half the Scottish export customs accounts from then on give a fuller picture of the extent of trade; by the 1530s it controlled two thirds and was the only port of Scottish exports. They confirm a downward spiral of Scottish trade consequence south of the Forth (see below, Burghs' shares of until the 1470s, when the sea fisheries were revived on a limited customs). By then the former regional structure of the country had scale. It was not until the last quarter of the sixteenth century that effectively been transformed and Edinburgh had become an ecothere was a marked and prolonged expansion of Scottish trade. nomic centre for the entire country (see below, Taxation of burghs As trade with Flanders declined there was increasing 1535 to 1705). It was this economic power base that made Edinburgh pressure to open or expand alternative markets, a process greatly the natural capital of Scotland. helped by abandonment ofthe Bruges Staple. After a period without Before the Wars of Independence Scotland had devela staple port from 1477 to 1508, the small port ofVeere on the island oped a diverse international trade, attracting merchants from NorofWalcheren (see below, Ports of departure to Veere) became the way, England, Western Germany, the Low Countries, northern designated distribution point (a looser form of staple) for ttie major France, Brittany, Gascony, Spain and Italy. In the fourteenth century commercial centres in the Low Countries and nominally maintained links with most of these became tenuous. Few foreign merchants this role, with a few short intervals, until 1799. Trade with the Low visited Scotland and Scottish traffic was mainly directed to Flanders. Countries continued to decline until the late sixteenth century. This By the I 290s Bruges was already the principal centre of Scottish loss was mainly made good by a great expansion in trade with overseas trade. Probably in the reign of Robert I (1306"29) the France, particularly with Dieppe (see below, Destination of ships primacy of trade links with Bruges was formally recognised by from Leith), stimulated by privileged access to the French market; establishing it as the Scottish Staple -to which all wool, hides and and, to a lesser extent, in trade with the Baltic (see below ,Trade with woolfells exported by Scottish merchants had to be sent (unless northern Europe). For much of the sixteenth century France was special dispensation had been given). With a few short intervals, the Scotland's principal overseas market. In the later sixteenth and early Scottish Staple remained there until 1477. Since wool, hides and seventeenth centuries the main growth areas were the Baltic and woolfells were directed by law to Bruges, and the Scottish sea Scandinavia (see below, Overseas trade in the seventeenth century). fisheries had almost disappeared during the fourteenth century, the Each market had different demands and the changing pattern of wherewithal for trade with other lands was greatly diminished. Scottish exports is a reflection of this. The trade in wool became Cheap cloth, salmon, (other) skins and salt were the main exports to insignificant in the sixteenth century, while the trade in cloth, fish other countries. Much of the salmon was exported to England in and possibly skins greatly expanded; and with the rapid expansion times of peace, and by the late fourteenth century there was a of Baltic trade late in the sixteenth century salt and coal exports also flourishing east coast trade with the Baltic ports of Danzig and burgeoned. Stralsund (see below, Overseas trade in the seventeenth century) and • Linlithgow I , Haddington "/ Vilh I 'f)J\e" River \~j ~(; \ r " •Berwick upon Tweed -/ I \ \ • royal burghs • other burghs and ports " Before the Wars of Independence almost all of southern Scotland's burghs of Edinburgh, Linlithgow and Haddington jealously guarded international trade had passed through Berwick. Its loss, from 1296 to their privileges as the administrative centres of the sheriffdom of 1318 and again from 1333 onwards, necessitated the development of Edinburgh and its subsidiary constabularies (later Midlothian, West alternative ports. Several minor harbours had long existed in the Lothian and East Lothian). Each effectively seized control of their Lothians, which had acted as transit points for inter-regional trade and nearest harbours. Leith became the out-port for Edinburgh. Linlithgow for the shipment of goods to and from Berwick; but, Berwick apart, there secured the small harbour at Blackness, 4 miles to the northeast. was no major coastal burgh south of the Firth of Forth. The inland Haddington secured a less satisfactory tidal harbour, 5 miles to the north-west, at Aberlady. Position of Edinburgh after the Wars of Independence ML, ASt 239
medieval-atlas/economic-development/240 Overseas trade: the Middle Ages to the sixteenth century Oslo Stockholm (545) • (990) Inset Middelburg & "-~/'-"----Veere (415) Bergen l' _ opZoom 1j Sluys -Antwerp ~ (385) Milan. Bordeaux Genoa -:ll (1050) fC\ :roulouse~ \ Distance of main European ports from Leith, in miles ASt Walcheren BRABANT 0 I 0 10, kms 20 I I 10 miles ~O 20 ASt o Land @ Sandbanks .. and Trdal Flats --. Boundary of provinces Meuse -Scheldt estuary The basic pattern of overseas exports can be gauged from the average receipts which accrued to the Crown from customs. There were, however, various changes in rates of duty which partly mask some of the real underlying patterns: between 1357 and 1368 rates on wool, hides and fells were quadrupled, so that on the exports in the 1360s was in real terms 30 per cent lower than in the period 1327-33. There were, however, minor surges in the 1370s and 1420s and again in the last years of the reign of lames V (1513-42), although it was not until the last quarter of the sixteenth century that real recovery from the prolonged slump which had lasted since the 1290s took place. The number of taxable commodities increased from three (wool, woolfells and hides) to ten in 1424, although regular returns from some of the new commodities were not made until later. Various increases were also subsequently made in the rates on some commodities, such as salmon and coal. All rates were substantially raised in 1597 as the Crown's response to the new boom in overseas trade. ML Overseas trade: annual average customs receipts 240
medieval-atlas/economic-development/241 Overseas trade: the Middle Ages to the sixteenth century The long slump in Scotland's overseas trade,which began with the Wars of Independence and continued until the last quarter of the sixteenth century, with short-lived upswings in the 1360s and 1370s, 1420s and 1430s, and the late 1530s, is revealed by the receipts for those exported commodities which paid custom to the crown. The steepest and irrecoverable decline lay in what was Scotland's most important export for much of the medieval period -raw wool. The recovery after the 1570s lay in a revival of the 1327-33 1361-70 1371-80 1381-90 1391-1400 1401-11 1412-22 1424-35 1445-49 1450-59 1460-69 1470-79 1480-89 1490-99 1500-9 1510-19 1520-29 1530-39 1540-49 1550-59 1560-69 1570-79 1580-2 1590-99 Wool Woollells (tonnes) (ODD'S) 1425-37 1445-49 ~:: 1450-59 1460-69 26 6 1470-79 12 1480-89 19 1490-99 27 1500-9 20 12 1510-19 1520-29 13 1540-49 24 1550-59 33 1560-69 1570-79 1580-2 1590-99 Salmon Herring Cod (lasts) (lasts) (ODD's) 1530-39 fisheries and the finding of new markets for cloth, sheep and lamb skins, salt and coal. Custom was levied only on three commodities until the 1420s, when James I extended it to a further sixteen. Many of the newly taxed commodities never produced significant customs returns; but the returns on others were spectacular, providing a first indication of what may long have been major exports. Most of the new duties temporarily lapsed after the death of James I. The later maps showing customs on exports from 1327 to 1599 explain the various weights and measures. @ UH~!m~~~ o 2 6 12 21 Hides Cloth Skins (ODD's) (ells,OOO's) (ODD's) lih1)l 23 20 50 Salt Coal (chalders) (chalders) ML,ASt Annual average exports, all Scotland 1327 to 1599 241
medieval-atlas/economic-development/242 Overseas trade: the Middle Ages to the sixteenth century By the time of the earliest surviving customs data the Scottish economy was already in a state of transition, precipitated by the Wars ofIndependence. Berwick, Aberdeen and Perth (in that order) had earlier been the major exporting burghs. Until 1333 it seemed probable that Berwick and Aberdeen would remain pre-eminent, although Dundee had overtaken Perth and Edinburgh had become Wool WooIfeIIs an irritating rival to Berwick. The second Wars of Independence transformed the situation by eliminating Berwick, providing new opportunities for numerous minor burghs, notably Linlithgow and Haddington, but Edinburgh was the main beneficiary. Wool was much the most important export throughout the period, but in those burghs funnelling the trade of the Highlands and the west cowhides were also an important factor. Overseas trade: burghs' share of customs: fourteenth century There was a marked slump in the wool trade at the end of the fourwas consolidating its position as the economic capital of Scoiland; teenth century and only a temporary recovery thereafter, under while Aberdeen, Dundee, Perth and, most spectacularly, Linlithgow lames I. The wool trade was increasingly concentrated in Lothian all declined. Aberdeen compensated to some extent by an increase and, by the later fifteenth century, mainly in Edinburgh. Edinburgh in salmon exporting, and Dundee by developing its cloth trade. Wool WooIfeIIs Skins Salmon 1425-31 1475-79 Overseas trade: burghs' share of customs: fifteenth century The sixteenth century saw the continuing consolidation of Edinsurge in the last years of lames V's reign), there was a sharp decline burgh in most sectors of the export trade, at its greatest in wool, in the trading activities of a number of towns, like Haddington and cloth, hides and woolfells. As a result both of this and the continuLinlithgow, and decay in the case of others such as Perth and Stir ing stagnation of overseas trade until the late 1570s (despite a brief ling. The increase in overseas markets·for the fisheries, however, Wool Woolfells Hides Skins Overseas trade: burghs' share of customs: sixteenth century ML,ASt 242
medieval-atlas/economic-development/243 Overseas trade: the Middle Ages to the sixteenth century Aberdeen Inverkeithing Ayr Inverness c(2 Arbroath Irvine Banff Kinghorn -~ ~ Berwick Kirkcudbright Bu rntisland Linlithgow Cupar Melrose p. Crail Montrose All 0-Culross North Berwick CommocIiIies Durnbarton Perth Dundee Preston pans Dunbar Pittenweem Dysart StAndrews Edinburgh Stirling Berwick upon Tweed Elgin Wigtown Other English woOl 1375-80 Overseas trade: burghs' share ·of customs: fourteenth century Many further commodities were subjected to duty by lames I, of death was levied only on aliens. The sea fisheries remained insigwhich cloth, shorn sheepskins, salmon and lambskins (in that ornificant until the 1470s but thereafter the Forth and Clyde ports took der) were initially the most important -the duty on shorn sheepon a new lease of life, although on the east coast a high proportion skins and lambskin was introduced in the 1430s but after James I's of catches was exported through Edinburgh. All Cod SaIl CommocIiIies 1425-31 1475-79 Overseas trade: burghs' share of customs: fifteenth century did stimulate exports from ports like Dundee, Perth and Montrose; and Inverness (where returns for the 1590s are not extant) more this rise, especially in salmon exports, benefited Aberdeen (which than is suggested here, but the most dramatic increase' was in the did not custom salmon exported by burgesses until the late 1530s) ports of south-east Fife. All Cod SaIl Coal CommocIiIies 1535-39 1595-99 Overseas trade: burghs' share of customs: sixteenth century ML,ASt 243
medieval-atlas/economic-development/244 Restructuring urban economies in the later Middle Ages The long slump in Scottish overseas trade throughout the late medieval period, together with the increasing concentration in Edinburgh of sectors of that trade, forced a certain restructuring of the export geared area of the economy of many towns. The following series of maps, drawn from customs data, compares the receipts for exported commodities as percentages of total receipts over six sample periods between the 1320s and 1590s. The overall profile of Scottish overseas trade is also given as a comparative benchmark. Some caution needs to be exercised in using the results over-literally, as custom was applied at different rates on different commodities and these also changed over time -custom for most of the period was at its highest on wool whose importance will thus tend to be over-emphasized in the profile of Aberdeen individual towns and at its lowest on fish (except for salmon), salt and coal. Aberdeen, the one major burgh to hold on to a significant share r of the wool trade throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, was nevertheless increasingly dependent on the salmon trade from the l470s, and to a greater extent than the graph suggests because Aberdeen burgesses escaped paying duty on salmon until the late fifteenth century. The sixteenth century saw a sharp increase in its export of woollen cloth and, to a lesser extent, of fells. The complete collapse of Inverness's wool trade by the 1420s had, by contrast, left it reliant on hides but a sharp decline by the 1470s in that sector had encouraged a large dependence on the salmon trade. In Banff the pattern was apparently simpler, the decline in wool bringing about a growing dependence in the fifteenth century on salmon. Inverness Banff Englishmen's imports E_nglish wool Wool Woolfells Hides Cloth Skins Salmon Herring Cod Salt Coal Customs on exports by commodity 1327 -1590 ML,ASt 244
medieval-atlas/economic-development/245 SI7Z lSV'iW 06S1 -an Al!POWWO;) ~q Sl.lOdxa UO SWOlSn;) SMaJpuy ·IS IBO:) IIBS pO:) DUPJ8H UOUJIBf> SU!>tS 4101:) S8P!H sII8 1100M lOOM lOOM 4S!IDU3 S\.lOdUJ! S,U8UJ4SlIDU3 Jedn~ aSOJIUOI/II 4IJad aapUna "IS;)POUl ;)lOUJ q:JOUJ :lp1111 SI1:lS1:lAO JO :lll1qS 1I111:lAO 11:lql PUI1 1I11U1S SI1M :lp1111 UOUl[I1S Sllodx;) JO S[;JA:l[ SI! 01 uo P[Ol[ 01 P;)gI1UI1U1 I! 111l[1 SI1M ':l1;)l[ :lip UI :l)(UIS l!:lip 'SUMOI AI1.L l;)ipO :lip :l)(!Iun 'Inq SM:l1PUY IS pUUll1dnJ p:l[I1:lA:l1IOU ':l:lU:lJ:lJ.J!P ;)ipl[gnoip ':l[!J01d gumlljs 'm[!UI!S 11 pl1l[ :l;)puna qloq U! gupn):)ruIS:l1 ;)[I1S:l[OqM U:l:lq :lAl1q 01 OS[11 SUI:l:lS :ll;)q.L "S110d JO \lod :ll[.L ":lln):lI1Jnul1U1 l[10[:l PUI1 S:l)l:ll[sg UO :l:lU:lpU:ld:lp gU!SI1:l1:lU! ipl0d ;)ip 01 AI1M U:lA!g ;)l:lq pl1q I! AlnIU:l:l qjU:l;)IX!S :lql Aq Inq 'AlnIU:l:l UI1 Aq A[UO P:lll1su;)dUlO:l SI1M AlnIU:l:l l[IU:l;)IXIS :ll[1 U! S;)Plq UI 1:l)(111U1 qIU:l:l!Jg :lip U!' S:lP;)qsg PO:l JO IU:lUlqS![qI1IS;)-:ll :lip P:l1:l:luo!d :lSOlIUOW gU!MOJg :ll[l JO :lll1l[S Sll U! :lgl1dd![s :ll;)A:lS :ll[1 lnq !S:lp!l[ PUI1 S[[:lJ UO !AlnIU:l:l qIU;):lIX!S :lql U! AII1:ldSOld M:lU Iqgn01q 'UOUl[I1S OIU! S:lp!q :l:lU:lpU:ld:lp gU!MO~ Aq p:ll[:lII1U1 SUM 'AlnIU;):l ipU:l:l!Jg :lip OIU! [[;)M [Ilun PUI1 SII:lJ JO Ino A[l:llll1[ PUI1 [OOM JO Ino IS1g UO!111:lgIS1:lA!P ';)SOlIUOW p:lAI1[:lP l[gnOl[1 'lOOM U! lU:lUldO[:lA:lP Sll ",UMOl lj111:l, 11 ;)q 01 P;)UI!I1[:l JO llod :lql uI "gU!ln):)ruIS:lJ P;)IUl1dUlO:l:l11 AI1:l:lP 'SOLv[ PUI1 SOZvl SOS"S" [ :ll[l Aq l[:l!l[M 'ipl;)d JO AUlOUO:l:l :lip U! SIJ!l[S :ll[l Aq P:lII111SUOUl;)P :lql U:l;)MI:lq P;)A[I1l[ ;)P1111 SI1:lS1:lAO JO :lll1l[S ;)SOqM 'l[11:ld U! SI1;)l:ll[M [[;JM S! SI:l)(JI1U1 :lp1111 SI1:lS1:lAO U! Slj!l[S ;)l[l JO S):):lJP :l[!II1[OA ;)l[.L Sl1av l11PP!W .Il11Vl l11fl U! Sl1!lUOUO:Jl1 uvq.ln aU!.Inl:Jn.llSl1H
medieval-atlas/economic-development/246 Restructuring urban economies in the later Middle Ages Edinburgh's gradual consolidation of a majority share of the major exported commodities, though clear from these figures, is understated; the capital had by the sixteenth century a uniquely wide industrial and trading base which affected the structure of towns both in the Forth basin and much further afield. The dependence of Linlithgow on the trade in hides and fells, when combined with the data showing the steep decline of these sectors in the fifteenth century, reveals a town in serious Edinburgh linlithgow decay, unable to diversify into more lucrative areas and increasingly reliant on its position as a royal centre. Stirling, with a similarly shaped economy but a more modest exporting base in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, survived into the sixteenth century better. Haddington, an important wool centre until the end of the fifteenth century, saw its nascent cloth industry collapse during the English invasions of the 1540s, leaving a narrowly based economy, dependent on hides, fells and skins, in serious decline. Englishmen's imports English wool Wool Stirling Woollells Hides Cloth Skins Salmon Herring Cod Salt Coal Haddington Customs on exports by commodity 1327 -1590 ML,ASt 246
medieval-atlas/economic-development/247 Restructuring urban economies in the later Middle Ages The dependence of west-coast ports on wool seems always to have been much slighter, but a signjficant cloth industry, with its markets in Brittany, Bordeaux and La Rochelle, is evident in Ayr and Dumbarton in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries and Irvine in the sixteenth, as well as in Kirkcudbright and Wigtown, which are not shown, in the fifteenth. Ayr Dumbarton All three of the ports shown developed an interest in the export of hides which fell away sharply -after 1470 in the case of Ayr and Irvine, but not until the late 1550s in the case of Dumbarton. By the second half of the sixteenth century, all three were largely dependent on the herring industry, which had been revived in the 1480s. • Banff • Inverness Irvine Englishmen's imports English wool Wool Woolfelis Hides Cloth Skins Salmon Herring Cod Salt Coal Customs on exports by commodity 1327 -1590 ML,ASt 247
medieval-atlas/economic-development/248 Foreign traffic and bullion exports 1331 to 1333 In 1330 duty was introduced on English-owned goods at a rate of4d in the £ ( 1.67), perhaps as a belated reaction to the £20,000 indemnity paid to England between 1328 and 1330 as a 'contribution for peace'. In 1331 duty was also introduced on bullion exports, at a rate of 12d in the £ (5%), because of an adverse trade balance and fears about a loss ofcoinage. Both of these new duties were initially levied along with the Petty Customs and returns were made by the burgh authorities rather than by customs officials (see below, Burgh farms). Returns for 1331 have therefore survived from Haddington, Banff and Inverness, which did not at that time submit customs accounts to the Exchequer. For some reason, the new duty on bullion exports ~ U • Inverness o Zero values 0.90 Values too small to register on bar chart ? Values not known seems not to have been levied at Scotland's principal port, Berwick. Collection practices also seemed to have varied at other burghs. Berwick had much the largest volume of English traffic, but a total value of £ 1.270 over two years is perhaps lower than might have been expected. There seem to have been little English trade and few bullion exports through Perth; most such traffic pa sed through Dundee. Surprisingly, as important in the central region was [nverkeithing. which seems have focused almost exclusively on English trade and may almost have acted as an English factory. The returns from Lnverkeithing were higher than those from either Edinburgh or Aberdeen. which were the only other major returning burghs. % erwick upon Tweed~ kms o 25 50 75 100 , ,, , , , [ , o 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles English traffic and bullion exports 1331 to 1333 ASt 248
medieval-atlas/economic-development/249 Foreign traffic and bullion exports 1331 to 1333 Double duty was levied at most Scottish ports between 1331 and 1333 on wool, hides and woolfells exported by aliens (although, sadly, not at Berwick). At burghs other than Berwick, foreign merchants accounted for only about 15% of wool exported and 14% of wool fells and hides. As the maps indicate, the spread of alien activity was very uneven. Aberdeen, Dundee and lnverkeithing were 30 Wi~ (~;rltrll; o ~ ~dbri9h • Burghs for which values are known o Burghs for which values are not known the main centres of alien merchants' activity. For some reason, Inverkeithing seems 10 have been a focal point for English trade and an amazing 93 % of its customs receipts came from the new duties (the double duty on aliens' exports and the duties on English-owned goods and bullion exports). kms o I 25 , 50 ,, 75, , 100 ,, milesPercentage of commodities Commodities exported by foreigners 1331 to 1333 ASt exported by foreigners (to nearest whole number) 249
medieval-atlas/economic-development/250 Overseas trade: the Middle Ages to the sixteenth century The exchequer returns only give a partial picture of Scotland's export trade in the fourteenth century because the "Great Custom" was levied only on wool, hides and woolfells. Rates of duty were initially fairly low, but were quadrupled between 1358 and 1368 to help pay the ransom of David n. lames I added cloth, fish, salt and skins to the list of dutiable exports: while reducing the duty on wool by 19%, lames ill completed the process by making all exports subject to duty, although he failed to dislodge certain exemptions after the death of James I. Despite these later additions total customs receipts drifted down, and their value was further eroded by inflation. The principal source of royal income in the fourteenth century, customs revenue had been far exceeded by income from Crown lands by the late fifteenth century. For much of the sixteenth century the customs at (£ Scots) many ports were farmed, often for years at a time. Only in the latter loss in 1333 transformed the economic map of southern Scotland. The most important Scottish burgh of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, Berwick's former trade was divided between various burghs: principally Edinburgh, Linlithgow and Haddington % of customs in the 1320s, 32% in the 1370s, 45% in the I 420s, 55% in the 1470s, 67% in the 1530s and 75% in the 1590s. The other regional centres of thirteenth-century Scotland had been Aberdeen and Perth. Aberdeen retained its place but Perth fell behind Dundee. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centu.ries Edinburgh, Aberdeen, Dundee and Perth were regarded on the continent as the 'four great towns' ofScotland. But Edinburgh's preeminence was increasing and by the sixteenth century it had become the economic focal point of the entire country. The customs returns provide our clearest indicator of relative growth, decline and restructur· . The series of. maps years of lames V's reign and after 1574 was this practice reversed. ~ ~ which follow illus In both instances customs receipts markedly increased thereafter. J_. .• ~~ trate the different The late recapture of Berwick ~dits subsequent J~mooo Inverness ~Lo 600 400 • Dumbarton • Dumfries 00000... "'" WiglOWn~ ''o~ ~",,"db"" • 100Lo o No returns extant 2 Values too small to register on bar chart ~ Based on only one or two years returns Defective returns for 1536 not included returns (£ Scots) 1500 1000 500 • m Melrose 0l1li3 0 Bumtisland 0000011 Culross O,=,-=O",O,,-,=,~ DysartOOO~ Inverkeilhing ~23 Kinghom 004~ Presloun 000",,0l1li kms o 25 50 75 100 , ,, , , , . o 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Customs on exports, all commodities 1327 to 1599 ML, ASt 250
medieval-atlas/economic-development/251 Overseas trade: the Middle Ages to the sixteenth century Rapid expansion of the wool trade had played a vital part in the economic revolution ofthe twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Even after the introduction ofduty on many other commodities, the duty on wool continued to account for over two-thirds of customs receipts until the late fifteenth century -this despite a worsening slump in wool exports from the end of the fourteenth century onwards. But the wool trade was increasingly concentrated upon Edinburgh, to the detriment ofthe other Scottish burghs. Edinburgh accounted for 70 % of wool exports by the 1470s and 90 % by the 1530s. The market for Scottish wool was in Flanders and northern dl1ibI4 2
medieval-atlas/economic-development/252 Overseas trade: the Middle Ages to the sixteenth century Woolfells, like wool, were exported mainly to Flanders and often together, as shown by the The Ledger of Andrew Haiybunon, a Scottish merchant and factor based in the Netherlands in the late fifteenth century. Yet the patterns, both of general export levels and of levels for individual towns, often varied significantly from those in the wool trade. Southern Scotland traditionally dominated the trade in woolfells even more than in wool, with over 70% ofthe trade in all but a couple of decades between the mid-fourteenth and early sixteenth centuries. Central Scotland had about 20% of the trade in woolfells, and northern Scotland under 10%. As in wool, northern Woollells :::;:::> (OOOs) 08 12 4 13i!! Stirling. Scotland's trade in woolfells was always monopolised by Aberdeen, Unlike wool, the volume of fells increased markedly in sixteenth century, reaching 18% ofall customs recei pts by the 1590s; and the capital largely benefited, holding 80% of the trade by the 1590s. With Linlithgow, the drop in fells came at much the same time as with wool; Haddington and Aberdeen compensated a little for their loss of wool exports with a reasonably steady share of the market in fells. In the cases of Dundee and Stirling, volume was actually rising quite sharply by the late sixteenth century. Woollells (OOOs) 150 100 4 ~Linlithg·OW Edinbu No returns extant Values (in OOs) too small to register on bar chart
medieval-atlas/economic-development/253 Overseas trade: the Middle Ages to the sixteenth century Until the introduction of hardy sheep breeds in the late eighteenth century, it was cattle rather than sheep that were to be found in the poorer upland regions. The main cowhide exporting burghs were those that provided market centres for the Highlands and the more westerly districts of the southern uplands. The main overseas markets for hides were in the Low Countries, northern France and latterly the Baltic, so there was surprisingly little trade in hides through the west-coast ports. If the battleground amongst the Scottish burghs had been for wool in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries, it lay in hides and woolfells in the mid-fifteenth century. In the 1420s, 45% of exports in hides was held by a group of middle-ranking-towns including Inverness, Linlithgow and Stir-// ling. Edinburgh, by contrast, held just P 25%, as itdidas late as the 1460s. By that time other medium-sized towns like Ayr and Kirkcudbright had also claimed 15% 0~4"'
medieval-atlas/economic-development/254 Overseas trade: the Middle Ages to the sixteenth century A huge variety of animal skins was exported, ranging from rabbit to duties on lambskins and shorn sheepskins seem to have been goat and otter, but the main groups were lambskins and shorn successfully resisted until the late 1570s; whereupon lambskins in sheepskins. Duty was introduced on wild animal pelts in 1424 and on particular reappear as major exports. In the intervening period, while lambskins and shorn sheepskins in 1434. The recorded volume of duty was apparently levied on wild animal pelts, duty on lambskins wild animal pelts exported was always low, but huge quantities of and shorn sheepskins seems only to have been collected from foreign lambskins and shorn sheepskins were exported in the short period merchants. Even so, the customs returns on these skins were far between the introduction of the new duties and the death of James I greater than on wild animal pelts, most of which may simply have in 1437. evaded duty. Skins Duty on all these skins lapsed after James I's death and was (ODDs) not reintroduced until the 1450s. For whatever reason, customs 250 Inverness 200 ~ 1..1 Aberdeen-- 150 100 mTTli Perth Dy~a 7!11il1'V". B ~ Inverkeithi.'2..g~ /'iNorth Berwick.,.l1
medieval-atlas/economic-development/255 Overseas trade: the Middle Ages to the sixteenth century Woollen cloth had been a major constituent of Berwick's booming economy in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries but the extent of exports is unknown. The manufacture of cloth ceased to be significant in burgh affairs. In the fourteenth century it may largely have been produced in the countryside. Cloth found its ells main export market amongst the urban poor of Flanders and latterly in the Baltic. Duty was introduced in 1425 but accounted for less than 10% ofcustoms receipts until the sixteenth century. There was a dramatic rise in levels ofcustomed exports from the 1520s, at over 175,000 ells in 1541-2. Thereafter war with England and the Holy Roman Empire, followed by the Reformation, brought about a slump which lasted until the 1570s. Although the rate of duty on _000 Inverness cloth was nominally 2s in £ Scots, in practice it became fossilised in most burghs at a rate of Id an ell until well into the sixteenth century, Before the death of James V it had been increased to 21/4d, which probably was then a tenth of the average value. That in turn became the fossilised rate until James VI increased the duty to Is an ell in 1598. As a result, by the end of the sixteenth century cloth accounted for no less than 34% of all customs receipts. The bulk ofrecorded cloth exports was located in Edinburgh throughout this period: 75% in the 1420s, 65% in the 1470s and over 80% by the 1530s. Yet a cloth industry was significant in some other towns: Kirkcudbright and Wigtown, exporting cloth to Brittany and the Biscay ports, held a 20% share in the 1430s and a 13% share in the 1470s. ells 8000~ 4000 o . 'Y Stirling Inverkeithing Dumbarton ID~"~'"go: • ~addington __0 . • Melrose Imooo DOOm. Dumfries --KirkcUclbfignt7 olD No returns extant·small returns reflecting value of less than £1 Values too small to ~ register on bar chart Based on only one or two years returns Returns for 1536 are deficient a Customs on exports~ main burghs, Cloth 1425 to 1599 ML, ASt 255 kms 25 50 75 100 0 , ,, . , I i 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 have been omitted miles
medieval-atlas/economic-development/256 Overseas trade: the Middle Ages to the sixteenth century Evidence on salmon exports before duty was introduced in the 1425 is slight. The market for salmon in Flanders was never strong and under lames I most seems to have been exported to England. Salmon long remained Scotland's main export to England, although in the later fifteenth century and the sixteenth century most was exported to France. Aberdeen was always the main exporting port. Salmon exports rapidly increased as direct trade links with France expanded from the 1470s onwards. Salmon accounted for less than 3% ofcustoms receipts in the 1420s but rose to over 10% in the 1470s and stood at nearly 14% by the 1530s. Exports peaked Dumbarton 0510 at over 500 lasts p.a. in the last years of lames V. But diminishing trade with France and a vast increase in the rate of duty, from 4s or 5s per barrel under lames V to 37s 6d by 1597, greatly reduced the size of the market (if not the rate of return to the crown which collected £1,923 from salmon, almost 17% of total receipts, in 1598). For much of the period, although not the years in this series, the total volume of salmon exports cannot be accurately assessed because Aberdeen burgesses were exempted from paying duty and the customs at certain burghs, especially along the Moray firth, were usually farmed after 1485. Salmon (in lasts') 200 100 Iserwicko DD No returns extant: small returns reflecting value of less than £1 -Values too small to --J W
medieval-atlas/economic-development/257 Overseas trade: the Middle Ages to the sixteenth century Herring had been fished in great quantities in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, but during the Wars of Independence the sea fisheries seem to have collapsed. One theory is that the herring shoals migrated in the fourteenth century to the mouth of the Baltic; another possibility is that the Scots were forced to abandon the fisheries because of frequent English attacks. The Dutch revived the North Sea fisheries in the mid-fifteenth century but, although duty was levied from the 1420s, Scottish customs returns are insignificant until the 1470s. Duty was, however, doubled from 6d to 12d a barrel early in the 1480s; by then herring had become the main growth area of the export trade with large cargoes being sent to France and Brittany from both Forth and west-coast ports. Exports rarely exceeded Irvine 1 0 .... 300 200 100 2 Values too small to register on bar chart
medieval-atlas/economic-development/258 Overseas trade o· the Middle Ages to the sixteenth century Cod, like herring, had been fished in large quantities in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Such was the reputation of Aberdeen as a producer that cod was known as Aberdaan in its main market in Flanders. Aberdeens seem also to have been common in England. The revival of the fisheries after a long period of slump came only in the late I 460s (there is only one entry, of25 dozen fish outofAyr, for the whole of the period 1425-31). The revival was, however, much more modest than that in herring or salmon: it peaked in the 1570s when 55,000 fish a year were exported. The profit to the Cod (in OOOs) Values too small to register on bar chart
medieval-atlas/economic-development/259 Overseas trade: the Middle Ages to the sixteenth century Coastal salt-pans are recorded in Scottish charters from the twelfth century onwards. Most were linked with coal-mines, salt being produced by boiling sea-water in large metal vessels. Customs duty on salt was introduced in 1429. Almost all the salt exported seems to have come from salt-pans owned by collieries. The salt from Edinburgh and Haddington came from the pans at Prestoun (hence Prestonpans), which were linked to the colliery at Tranent; similarly, the salt from Dysart and Culross was produced there at-pans owned· by adjacent collieries. Customs returns for salt, unlike those for coal, begin from the point at which they were devised but salt exports were «) Linlithgow
medieval-atlas/economic-development/260 Overseas trade: the Middle Ages to the sixteenth century Customs returns for coal are recorded onl y from 1488, at a rate of 16d per chalder, but were insignificant in terms of revenue until the 1530s. Rates were raised in 1575 to 35d or 37d and were raised a further seven times between then and 1599, when they stood at 56d; this reflected a dramatic rise in output and a fourfold increase in exports in the thirty years after 1565-9, when they stood at an average of 282 chalders per year. Much of the coal mined at Culross must Coal (in chalders Total 0> b, 0> returns S; ~~ vll)ll) o returns e t Values too small to register on bar chart
medieval-atlas/economic-development/261 Destinations of shipping from Leith, 1510 to 1513 The Leith port books for 1510-11 and 1512-13 are among the earliest century and, although there was no official Scottish staple in France, surviving Scottish port books. Unlike the customs accounts, the port Dieppe clearly attracted the bulk of Leith's French trade, at least books include the particulars ofthe cargoes sent by named merchants between 1510 and 1513. on each ship leaving Leith for foreign destinations. From 1508 Veere Despite growing political tension after 1509 and piracy was the compulsory entry port (or staple) for Scottish shipping committed by both sides, a few ships continued to trade with visiting the Low Countries; cargoes were mainly ofwool, woolfells England. Their cargoes, however, in which salmon predominated, and cloth, though some hides, skins and miscellaneous other goods were small. The low level of Baltic-bound vessels perhaps also were also sent. Most were probably destined for sale in the growing reflects the dangerous political situation in the Baltic. The Scots were commercial centres of Antwerp and Bergen op Zoom allied to the Danes in their war against Sweden and several Hanseatic The cargoes for French ports were similar though the proportowns, led by Liibeck, though Danzig endeavoured to remain neution of hides was somewhat larger. In addition, large amounts of tral. The Danzig-bound vessels were laden primarily with lambsalmon, cod and herring were also sent to Normandy. An expatriate skins. Cloth and coal were sent to Copenhagen, but the three Scottish community had lived in Dieppe since the later fifteenth Stralsund-bound ships were virtually empty. Numbers of ships 25 D D 0 • ~ 0 0 ~ Cl) :; "0 c: c: c: "0 C> Co ~ 0 0 c: Cl) c: ·N Cl) .:; "'" c: Co ~ .~ "0 C> :> c: Cl) .., c: 3-
medieval-atlas/economic-development/262 Trade with northern Europe: Scottish ports By the later thirteenth century merchants from western Germany were visiting Scotland. Little is known about their trade, though they probably shipped wool, wooJneeces and hides to the Low Countries. Although Germans traded in ScoLland throughout the Wars of Independence, they appear to have been displaced by Scottish merchants from the 1330s. With the opening of the Sound to shipping in the I 380s, direct contact between Scotland and the Baltic became possible. Skins, hides, cheap cloth and salt were exported to the Baltic anQ became the principal ingredients ofthe Kramerwaren sold by Scottish pedlars in the eastern Baltic from the later fifteenth Before 1350 ~ r ~}/fI' ~RI ~11 century. By then, Bremen and Hamburg merchants were visiting Shetland in search offish, in contravention ofordinances made by the kings of Norway which also applied to Orkney. As trade expanded in the sixteenth century. skins continued to dominate exports to the Baltic, though herring, coal and salt, sent from the Forth burghs. increased in importance. Some cloth was still exported and, from the I 580s, wool was sent to Sweden. Despite periodic slumps in their relative importance, all these commodities were shipped to the Baltic in the seventeenth century. In addition, orway particularly began to import Scottish grain. T:\fp €!jRl perth~ndee StAndrews • ~tirling /Cupar inlithgow ~r->..-Dunbar '-............. . Edinburgh Haddlngton :,~erwick upon ... T 1350 to 1500 ~ r f/fl' ~~wall ~11 !Th~ so -"''---'_.-J'-,....Fraserburgh Banff Pelemead 1500 to 1600 1600 to 1700 Scottish trade with Europe: Scottish ports DDi 262
medieval-atlas/economic-development/263 Scottish emigration to the Baltic The large-scale emigration of Scots to northern Europe began in the later Middle Ages. Some emigrants were students heading for the universities of Cologne and Louvain. From the sixteenth century a few also attended the new universities in the Baltic region. Other emigrants were established merchants who settled in the coastal ports. Latterly, some also made for the inland towns. From the later sixteenth century considerable numbers of Scots served in Polish, Russian, Scandinavian and German armies. Most eririgrants, however, were pedlars who sought a living selling cheap merchandise to the poorer sections of society. Complaints against such activities were common in the Danzig area from the later fifteenth century. As the numbers of Scottish pedlars multiplied in the later sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, attempts to restrict their activities also grew. Scots have been traced to over 400 localities in Poland alone. Eventually, however, the emigrants were assimilated into Baltic society. The reasons for Scottish emigration are complex but to many Scots the opportunities for economic advancement, particularly in the prevalent atmosphere of religious toleration in Poland, were greater than at home. ° li)sit(Sovetsk) Wladyslawow (Kudirkos) • Centres of emigration before 1500 ° Selected centres of emigration after 1500 o University towns Schwerin °Plau Stetlin (Szczecin) Frankfurt oPlozk (Plock) o oPosen (Posnan) Schwiebus. o wafsaw (Warszawa) Helmstedt (Swiebodzin) 0Zullichau 0Witlenberg (Sulechow) ° Kalisch (Kalisz) oSieradz• Leipzig oLubin .Meissen • Breslau B~zyce (Wroclaw) Hirsch~erg Sandomiro oZamosc (Jelenia Go'ra) (Sandomierz) Annaberg (Gora Sw. Anny) Cracow 11 Jaroslav Lemberg now Ii'il W° (Lovovl Wischwill =0 Przemyslo 0 (Viesvile Wieliczka ° ° Krossen o Jaslo Kroso Stalluponen (Nestergv) Putzig 0 (Jedrzejowo) Muhlhausen (Gvwdeyskoye)Lauen5'urgh o (Lebork) Stolp Domna~ Nordenburg Goldap (Stupsk) (Domnovo) . (KryJovo) (gotdap) Frauenburg ~chlppenbell (Frombork) Mehlsack p------' (SepopoJ) 0 ~ngerburg (Wegorzewo) Praust 0 (Pruscz Gdanski) Elbing ~(PlenieZnO) Bartenstein Barten Drengfurth Butowo Hohenstein 0 (~Iblag) WOrmdVtI (Bartoszyce) (Barciany) (Srokowo) (Bylow) Berent 0 (Pszczotki) Pr-hollan O(Orneta R t ob (Koscierzyna) o( k) 0 as en urg o Dirschau Paste Arnsdorf (lubomino) (Ketrzyn) Olelzko Schoneck (Tczew)Rummelsburg (Skarszewy) ) \Gutlstadt o Christ~urg (Dzierzgon) (Miastko) o Stuhm 0 Pr-mark Sensburg ( (Dsre Hiasto) LyckMewe (Etk)o (Stzum) (Przezmark) (Mragowo)(Gnicw) Riesenburg o 0 (Prabuty) o Marienwerder Neuenburg oKonitz (Nowe) (Kwidzyn) Johannisburg (Chojnice) o o (Pisz) Hohenstein Jastrow (Tuchela) Graudenz (Olsztynek) (Szczylno) (Jastrowic) (Grudziadz) Tuchel Ortelsburg o o Neumark (Nw. Miasto o Kuln Lubawskie) Neidenburg(Chelmno) o Deutsch-krone o o (Nidzica) (Walcz) Lobsens Strasburg (Lobzenica) (Brodnica) Schneidemuhl BrombOerg Thorn (Pi la) Exin (Bydgoszcz) q;orun)(Kwnia) Scottish emigration to the Baltic before and after 1500 DDi 263
medieval-atlas/economic-development/264 Trade with northern Europe: Baltic ports Because of the paucity of records, it is difficult to map Scotland's commercial connections with northern Europe before 1350. There was some trade with Norway, probably in fish, though this perhaps declined in the fourteenth century due to the Hanseatic League's virtual monopoly of Norwegian commerce. From the later thirteenth century, merchants from western and northern Germany also visited Scotland. During the Wars of Independence they supplied Scotland with arms and victuals from the Low Countries and, ironically, from England also. kms o 140280 560 o 80 ! .1 Hio , 320 mles Before 1350 Reval gorpat 140 kms280 560 I , , • Town involved in Scottish trade o Town possibly involved in Scottish trade From 1350 to 1500 Scottish trade with Europe: Baltic ports to 1500 DDi 264
medieval-atlas/economic-development/265 Trade with northern Europe: Baltic ports Soon afterwards, direct trade with western Germany ceased, throughout the period, although grain shipments declined from the although Rhenish wine continued to be imported via the Low mid-seventeenth century. Norwegian trade revived from the later Countries. Contacts with northern Germany continued, but fifteenth century, but timber and tar were now the principal remained generally limited. Beer was probable the most important commodities sent westward. From the later sixteenth century, these import from this region. Scots also began to visit the Skaian herring products were also imported from Sweden, although metals fairs. By the later fourteenth century, merchants from the eastern (particularly iron) were the chief Swedish exports to Scotland. Baltic were trading in Scotland, bringing flax, hemp, sylvan Trade with Denmark developed before that with Sweden, but was products and grain. This trade remained important generally less significant. kms 140I 280 , 560 From 1500 to 1600 .r____F-\~';_~ Mandal Kristiansand ---===------MarstrandO Kunga'ly 1--_--1-G6teborg kms 0 110 280 I I I I 0 80 160 miles o Towns involved in Scottish trade () Towns with important Scottish trading links Hamburg • Towns with most important Scottish trading links o Bremen oLuneburg Off the map: Molde, Trondheim, Spitsbergen Scottish trade with Europe: Baltic ports 1500 to1700 DDi 265
medieval-atlas/economic-development/266 Scottish trade in the seventeenth century By the 1590s; the components making up the Scottish export trade were little different from a century earlier but their relative importance had altered markedly, as the statistics for customs receipts for 1595-9 clearly show. Wool, once the mainstay and most lucrative part of the trade, had shrunk to less than 16 per cent of customs revenue, whereas cloth, a modest component in the 1460s and even in the 1530s, now accounted for a third and the duty on it was sharply increased in the revision ofcustoms dues made in 1597. The recovery of the fisheries, which had begun in the 1470s, continued until the 1650s or 1660s with duty on salmon, the most lucrative sector, also increased in 1597. The export of hides, skins and wool fells to their traditional markets in the Baltic and Netherlands, continued at healthy levels, at least until the 1640s. Salt and coal, although they had still a relatively low duty, begi n to figure prominently in the returns, but would by the 1620s reach far greater heights. The regular Exchequer Rolls series, which permits a systematic analysis of Scotland's exports from the 1370s, ends in 1599. There are only a few port books or local shipping lists for the early seventeenth century, and a Report drawn up by the Cromwellian administration in 1656 until more systematic evidence for both exports and imports becomes available in the 1680s. There is, however, a remarkable survey drawn up in 1614, which largely confirms the patterns of the customs receipts of the I 590s. Entitled 'The wirris and commodities that are shipped and transported further of this kingdom yearly by sea', it estimated the total annual value of all goods shipped out ofScotland between 1611 and 1614 as £736,986 Scots. By 1700, hides and skins which accounted for a quarter of the 1590s customs revenue and a third of the 1614 survey, would have Customs receipts 1595 to 1599 Wool 15.9% Fells 18.1% Cloth 33.7% Salt2.2% Herring 5.6% Cod 0.9% Salmon 11.2% Coal 5.2% Skins 2.5% Hides 4.7% The survey of 1611-14 is useful in gi ving, for the first time, the real values ofexports as distinct from customs revenue in which certain commodities which attracted a high duty (such as wool and salmon) are given greater weighting than those with low duty (such a as coal, salt and hides). It fell into four parts: most valuable were the commodities that yield yearly, ranging from wheat, barley and malt to wool, hides, skins and coal. Next most valuable were manufactures, and the discrepancy between their value given here shrunk drastically; fish, especially herring, worth a fifth of visible exports in 1614, would expand until the 1680s but then contract sharply. Exports ofcoal, worth 3% by the reckoning of 1614, when about 16,000 tons were produced a year, doubled by the 1680s but then fell away; the fall of the overseas markets for salt, worth appreciably more than coal in 1614, was earlier, in the 1650s and 1660s, and more spectacular. Grain, brought by sea from the north and north-east to the Forth in increasing quantities, began to be exported from 1610 onwards but its overseas markets began to dry up from the 1690s. The two major growth sectors ofthe export trade in the seventeenth century were in linen and cattle, but both, unlike traditional Scottish exports, were focused on a si~gle market -in England, and much linen followed cattle overland on the drove roads rather than by sea. Along with the shift in the balance of commodities exported went a drastic change in the directions taken by foreign trade. The 1620s and 1630s saw record levels of traditional exports like hides and skins, mostly still sent ·to traditional markets such as the Netherlands and the Baltic. But already trade was spreading outwards, from the Dutch staple port of Veere: grain and coal were largely sent to Rotterdam and the widening range of imports came from a series of Dutch ports, including Amsterdam. Increasing numbers ofships came laden with timber and iron, from Norway and Sweden. The beginnings of a new trade with Spain and America, mostly out of west-coast ports, can be seen after 1660. The means of tracing these changes are diverse and a single indicator -whether numbers ofships or custom paid on commodities -may be misleading if used in isolation; the size of ships varied greatly, as did the amount of duty levied on different commodities. Contemporary survey of exports 1611 to 1614 (Total value £736,986) :;:.:;: Produce of the land 50.9% (£375,085) :::: Manufactures 23.0% (£169,097) Fish 20.8% (£153,354) Re-exports 5.3% (£39,047) and in the customs returns of the 1590s is that, as the 1614 survey noted, much linen cloth and yam was 'daily' carried overland into England. Although duty on salmon had been sharply increased in 1597, exports of herring brought in twice as much; but sales of deep sea fish were insignificant. Re-exports were as yet largely made up of wax from the Baltic and some timber from Norway; dealing in English cloth and wool, which would figure controversially in Anglo-Scots relations by 1700, was still modest. 266
medieval-atlas/economic-development/267 Scottish trade in the seventeenth century The make-up of the four categories is shown in the following pie-charts. -••• Wheat 1.1% (£ 7,950) .' Barley & Malt 3.5% (£25,536) Oats 0.5% (£3,230) ~~~~ Hides 9.0% (£66,630) Skins 1 .5% (£11 ,229) :::: Fells 21.8% (£160,853) Wools 7.0% (£ 51 ,870) "." Other 0.5% (£ 2,595) Lead Ore 2.7% (£20,000) :.:.: Coal 3.4% (£25,232) Exports of produce of the land 1611 to 1614 (Total value £375,125) salmon 6.4% (£47,208) Herring 13.5% (£99,760) Other 0.9% Fish 79.2%, & Oil (£6,387) ::.:: Woollen cloth, Plaiding 8.1% (£59,575) :~:~ Linen cloth 1.6% (£11,550) Linen yarn 4.5% (£33,331) Knitted hose 1.5% (£10,756) Gloves 1.7% (£12,300) Salt 5.4% (£339,780) Export of manufactures 1611 to 1614 (Total value £169,097) Wax (£25,440) Other: Deals (£2,960) Old Brass (£17,46) Salt (£1,744) English Cloth (£1,424) Pikha Tar (£1 ,386) 'Rye (£1,424) Miscellaneous (£3,012) Re-exports 1611 to 1614 Exports of fish 1611 to 1614 (Total value £39,047) (Total value £153, 355) Contemporary survey of exports, 1611 to 1614 267
medieval-atlas/economic-development/268 Scottish trade in the seventeenth century The Scottish staple port in the Low Countries was first established at Bruges in the fourteenth century. It had a complicated subsequent history, alternating between Bruges and the Walcheren town of Middelburg, until it finally settled in the small port of Veere, at the westennost tip of the Scheldt estuary, in 1540. 'Staple' goods -such as wool, hides, skins, and fish -were supposed to be shipped through the staple port, under the supervision of a resident Scottish factor. There are, despite its importance, only occasional lists of Scottish shipping at Veere, unlike the systematic records shown earlier for the Sound. The list of 1561 , giving all ships which paid anchorage dues at Veere during that period, demonstrates the increasing grip which Edinburgh/Leith had built up since 1400 over the bulk of the export trade in staple goods. It is likely that Kinghorn, whose tax assessment was linked to Edinburgh's, was also being used as a base by merchants from the capital. Other east-coast ports probably shipped more goods, to Leith for export from there rather than exported them direct. By the I 620s the picture, revealed by payments made over a fifteen-month period in 1626 -7 to the Scots kirk in Veere, had changed considerably. Most ofthe vessels from the Forth were small colliers, plying out of Dysart and Kirkcaldy; many of them were bound for Middelburg or Flushing, both also on the island of Walcheren. Cargoes from Leith and Dundee were ofstaple goods or mixed, including coal. Exports were being shipped in large quantities to other Dutch ports like Amsterdam and Rotterdam, which also held a large share of the imports sent to Scotland. Edinburgh 225 (54.0%) Dundee 79 (19.0%) Aberdeen 45 (10.8%) St.Andrews 16 (38%) Kirkcaldy 13 (3.1%) Montrose 13 (3.1%) Kinghorn 6 (1.4%) Other 20 AiQundee ~~St. Andrews _:> .. Kirkcaldy . ysart ~i~horn Leith , ' I I , ' I 25 'ffIf 75 100 le , " I' i ' i Ports of departure of Scottish ships 10 20 ~405060 to Zeeland 1561 -71 o to Veere 1626-7 CV to both Zeeland and Veere Ports of departure of Scottish ships to Zeeland and Veere Land .:::' Sandbanks . and Tidal Flats Ports of departure of Scottish ships to Zeeland 1: _. (number and percentage) Dysart 22 (35.5%) Kirkcaldy 14 (22.5%) ' . Leith 13 (21.0%) Dundee 5 (8.1%) Aberdeen 2 (3.2%) ~Other 6 (9.7%) Ports of departure of Scottish ships to Zeeland 16 (number and percentage) BRABANT ? 10 ~O 3\lkm I' I I o 5 10 15 miles Meuse -Scheldt estuary 268
medieval-atlas/economic-development/269 Scottish trade in the seventeenth century These following statistics are based on lo"aJ Aberdeen shore accounts and Dundee shipping lists. For neither port is there a continuous sequence ofaccounts. The Dundee lists include only incoming ships; the Aberdeen figures also include outwardbound vessels. The origin of 9.9% of the former and 24.3% of the latter are unknown and have been omitted from the charts. The Dundee lists do not include Scottish arrivaIs, except from the Northern Isles. Denmark 1.1 % Danzig 6.9% Other Eastern Baltic Ports 2.8% Other Western Baltic Ports 2.3% Low Countries 10.1 % Bordeaux 11.6% La Rochelle 8.4% Other French Ports 5.5% Spain 0.9% England 3.0% Northern Isles 6.17% Dundee 1580 to 1618 Aberdeen's trade was dominated by shipping from other Scottish ports but much ofthis, particularly from Leith, carried foreign goods. Salt came from La Rochelle and Fife, wine from Bordeaux, and apples, onions and other miscellaneous goods from northern France and the Low Countries. Beer was imported from England and the Baltic, while Sweden, conspicuously absent from the Aberdeen figures, supplied iron. Low Countries 17.2% Dieppe 6.7% Bordeaux 2.8% La Rochelle 5.0% Spain 0.3% England 1.9% Leith 32.1% Other Scottish Ports 14.3% Aberdeen 1596 to 1618 SPAIN Destination of exports, Dundee and Aberdeen, 1580 to 1618 DDi 269
medieval-atlas/economic-development/270 Scottish trade in the seventeenth century Although the printed Exchequer Rolls series ends in 1599, the portant enough to be kept in a separate register, are not reflected in the continuing dominant role played by Edinburgh, which by the 1590s figures given here. In the Baltic, grain, dyes, iron and wax were paid 72% of all customs on exports, is revealed in port books which purchased. Cloth, shipped from London, was the main import from survive for a few years of the early seventeenth century. Export lists England. Scandinavia, and especially Norway, provided raw materials survive for Leith for 1611-12 and 1626-8; imports lists exist for like timber, pitch and tar, and iron. The map shows all the ports with 1621-3 andI636-9. The traditional two-fold pattern of Scottish which Leith traded in the period, both exporting and importing. foreign trade continued, with both parts largely dominated by Edinburgh merchants: hides, fells, skins, coal and fish from all parts of Scotland flowed out, at record levels, and lUXUry goods and raw materials entered, in increasing volume. In the trade boom of the 1620s and 1630s, traditional ex ports reached unprecedented levels. London increased markedly in importance, although the staple {j Derry Konigsberg Braunsberg port of Veere still figured as the Danzig main destination for exports. Cloth and herring were still exported to Baltic ports like Konigsberg. Plaiding, herring and fells were sent to Dieppe, but also to Newha ven, La Rochelle and elsewhere in France. The figures for trade with France in 1626-8 are usually low, caused by the hostilities with Eng land. Dutch and French ports provided a rich variety of lUXUry goods, ranging from cloth, spices and paper to glassware, but the wine ships from Bordeaux, im- Aveiro European ports Cadiz France 41.2% Netherlands 22.3% Scandinavia & N.W. Germany 15.3% England 10.6% .::: Netherlands 37.8% Baltic 3.5% England 36.7% Other 7.1% Baltic 8.9% = .' Scandinavia & N.W. Germany 7.2% .... France 5% Other 4.4% Destination of all ships from Leith 1611 to 1628 1611 to 1612 -::~ Netherlands 41.9% .. Baltic 15.7% .' Scandinavia & N.W. Germany 14.7% France 14.2% .' Scandinavia & N.W. Germany 30.5% England 8.0% Other 5.5% France 28.1 % :::: Netherlands 17.5% Baltic 15.3% England 6.8% Other 1.8% Origin of all ships to Leith 1621 to 1639 1621 to 1623 Edinburgh shipping 1611 to 1639 1636 to 1639 270
medieval-atlas/economic-development/271 Scottish trade in the seventeenth century The figures represented on the map show the percentage of imports, as measured by custom duties, shipped from the main foreign ports by Edinburgh's 300-strong merchant elite. These merchants paid £8,593 or 30.5% ofall Leith customs in the period. The ports or areas shown accounted for over 91 % ofcustoms paid on imports. As well as the standard range ofluxury manufactures and raw materials from London, the Netherlands and elsewhere, many of the ships from the Baltic during the harvest failures in Scotland of the mid-1620s carried grain. The figures do not, however, include imports of French wine, chiefly from Bordeaux, the most lucrative source of revenue and customed separately. Levels of customs can also be compared with numbers of ships, as given in the table below. The same ports accounted for91 % of ships entering Leith but there are significant discrepancies between the two sets offigures, caused by the different rates ofduty on various imported commodities: only a modest number of ships, for !!!~~~mmimim29.7% Vlissingen Ireland SPAIN Rouen Newhaven Gothenburg Elsinore Percentage of ships sailing from I::::l foreign ports to Leith 1621 to 1623 mm Percentage of ships sailing to foreign imil ports from Leith 1626 to 1628 example, arrived from London but they accounted for over 20% of all custom paid because most carried high-duty cloth. There are differences, too, in the patterns of ships plying to and from Leith. The twin bar charts are based on the 331 ships which left Leith 1621 to 3 carrying cargoes for this group of merchants and the 118 which arrived 1626 to 8. The staple port of Veere, for example, held a greater share of exports from Leith than of imports s.ent there, Which increasingly came from other Dutch ports. Counting all ships, 107 arrived from Amsterdam and Rotterdam in 1621 to 3 and 109 from Veere. But on ships carrying cargoes for Edinburgh's elite merchants, who had begun to specialize in certain commodities, 65 came from Rotterdam or Amsterdam and 59 from Veere, even if those from the staple port did pay more duty. .K6nigsberg GERMANY Netherlands 31.5% Baltic & NW. Germany 22% England 21.7% France 17.9% Sweden 2.4% Norway 1.3% .:-:.: ::::.:?:?~~.~ ~.\j~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~ ~ Denmark 1% ....... Other 1.6% ......... ........... Spain 0.6% Imports into Leith 1621 to 1623 Customs paid on imports (excluding wine) 1621 to 1623 JB 271
medieval-atlas/economic-development/272 Scottish trade in the seventeenth century The 'Corn pt of Edward Little of Shore Dues collected at Leith' their produce to Holland. The surprisingly small returns from the (Edinburgh City Archive) is the only early seventeenth-century important ports of Dundee and Aberdeen are probably explained by list detailing coastal shipping arriving at Leith. The list gives a deficiency in the source material. But the smallness of the overall only the name ofthe vessel and its master, its point ofembarkanumber of coastal vessels arriving at the most important port in tion and a brief description of its cargo. A total of 249 ships Scotland may indicate that trade had already begun to be seriously arrived between November 1638and ovember 1639,a1though affected by the political crisis of the Wars of the Covenant. 90% docked between March and November. Their cargoes were largely of grain or cured herring, emphasising Edinburgh's importance not just as a market place but as an entrepOt for exports of staple goods abroad from much of Scotland. ~ u Most of the 155 ships embarking between Inverness f::J ~{!!t and North Berwick carried grain, underlining the role of ports in Moray, Aberdeenshire and Fife as collection points for agricultural produce. The large number from Montrose and ~"t~ Dunbar reflect their function as both fish and grain markets. The ~'-SI Margrets Hope twelve from Orkney probably carried the produce of William \J:J~ Dick, who held the islands in wadset and regularly exported .~ursl o ) " :Y-'ok 9omarty Spe Portsoy r~" "";~../'I-.-" .fraserburgh v -../:\ • :'Banff ::: \ ~1MarybUrgh; Findhom B ~ I -? ../ /,owm'M ( ~h~::m"d ~ _ ~::;NewbUrgh ~-'--Aberdeen ••••~D' oWnles -,.. • • Slonehaven '" ~;; ..~ourdon , ~:::::: : Monlrose •• : : ).rbroath :::::Dundee ~ Errol·····) "1.-., ~: : : : c::,.$1 Andrews Newburgh :: ~ : .'\ " • Largo '.Crall Cellardyke .~..:::~ -Burnlisland /v ....Anslrulher Aberdour ••Wemyss Castle Culrosst?:-····· (""North Berwick Limekil~; .: : 0Leith :-::: ::-••• "Ih" "' , ••• Dunb~ Inverkel mg Newhaven ••••••• /,. •••••• • Eyemoulh ::.:: Number of ships arriving November 1638 to November 1639 kms uni~nti~:~hplaces : 0 50 100 'Chape', 'Kilbrane', 'South ISland"[J 25 75 ,, , , ~I--~~~--~--~~~--~ o 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Ships from Scottish ports to Leith 1638 to 1639 272
medieval-atlas/economic-development/273 Scottish trade in the seventeenth century In 1656 a Cromwellian official, Thomas Tucker, drew up a Report reorganising the collection of customs and excise duties. It envisaged the creation of eight administrative districts or 'precincts', each with its head port where a collector would be based. An excise had already been introduced by the Scottish parliament in 1644, which placed dues on the sale and import (where appropriate) of all ale, beer and whisky, as well as on imported wine, tobacco and textiles; but Tucker's scheme involved harmonization with the English system of tunnage and poundage. The result was complex and over-firm conclusions should not be drawn from the data, which is based on revenue over a three-month period in 1655-6; imports were subject to customs dues and often to excise as well, but levels of dues varied greatly, high for Customs Excise • Head port of preCincts Custorns precincts -Ayr ~"'~ Leith ///~ Bo'ness 1111111111111 Burntisland Dundee ""'''~ Aberdeen WH.M Inverness Leith 39.6% Bo'ness 24.7% Glasgow 9.3% Dundee 8.4% Aberdeen 7.9% Burntisland 6.9% Inverness 2% Ayr 1.2% Leith 51.6% Glasgow 12.9% Bo'ness 11 .2% Dundee 6.8% Ayr 5.3% Aberdeen 5.2% Burntisland 3.7 Inverness 3.3% example on wine and foreign salt but low on timber. The combined returns, though complicated, do reflect, as do the burgh tax rolls, a marked rise of Glasgow, which had begun to use the road via Kilsyth to Bo'ness, now said to be 'the chief port' after Leith, as an entry to east-coast based overseas trade. Yet the Bo'ness precincf also catered for Stirling's trade, the coal and salt of Culross and Limekilns and some cloth from Perth and its returns should not be claimed wholly or even largely for Glasgow. The most striking difference between the customs for 1655-6 and those for the 1590s is the sharp fall of Leith, from 73% to under 40%. Its dominant postion as an entrepot had slipped drastically since the 1630s and certain exported commodities, especially coal and salt, were now shipped direct, also helping to lift the Bo'ness returns. .#Af/~ ·' I ~ j ~ Aberdeen ~.... Dundee ~~ :-0" . :-.; :-,.'0 ' -, hlllll 1111111111111 ' Burntisland_11111 / / -111111111 Bo'ness • / //I'lIriSlil!i:!llr g-=-. ~~ Glasgow G~S~AY' ~~~,>$ ~t~· 7~~~"~~ Customs and excise duties: customs precincts 1656 ML 273
medieval-atlas/economic-development/274 Scottish trade in the seventeenth century As part of his Report of 1656, the Cromwellian customs official, Thomas Tucker, listed the number of home-owned ships, often together with their tonnages, in Scottish ports. The small number (215 'ships of burden' were counted twelve years later) reflects the losses inflicted by the Wars of the Covenant. The size of sea-going ships ranged from 250 to about 50 tons; although open boats of6 tons plied between Norway and Orkney, most smaller vessels were engaged in the coastal trade and probably many plied between their home port and Leith; the small barques, carrying coal, salt, fish and other such cargoes, varied between 30 and 3 or 4 tons. The list is at its vaguest in describing shipping on the south side ofthe Forth, such as at ewhaven and Prestonpans, where, it said, 'any small vessels' picked up salt. It does not itemize either fishing boats or the flatbottomed barges, which, for example, carried goods up the shallower part ofthe Forth to Stirling; the number of 'twelve or fourteen' given c:::) tons for Leith seems low for a port in which a tax roll of 1647 recorded over 140 skippers. Only three sea-going vessels at Leith had tonnages recorded -each of 250 tons. The number and size of vessels does, however, give a good indication of the kind oftrade carried on in each port for which there are fuller details. It also reflects the shallow or awkward draught of most Scottish harbours -the reason for the construction of Port Glasgow ten years later. ~ ~ r:J ~{!:P ~~~, I~\? Detail of Fife burghs Numbers and tonnage of Scottish shipping 1656 ML 274
medieval-atlas/economic-development/275 Scottish trade in the seventeenth century The Register of the State and Condition of Every Burgh within the Kingdom of Scotlalld of 1692 gives the answers made to various questions posed by the Convention of Royal Burghs about burghs' finances, trade and condition. One question related to the number of 'ships, barques, boats and ferry boats' belonging to them. Not all burghs answered directly; others, like Dysart, South Queensferry or Glasgow (which did not itemize its eight small lighters), did so only vaguely; and five ofthe remotest burghs were not visited. Some, like Perth, related a sorry tale, including the loss ofthree ships since 1679. The Register lists 109 ships, averaging 67 tons burden. Leith had 29 ships, totalling 1,700 tons; Glasgow had 23, totalling 1,200 tons. A comparison with the list of 1656 partly reflects the changing nature tons 150 100 o Numbers Question marks reflect ships for which no tonnage is recorded ofScotland's overseas trade and, for example, underscores the sharp drop in activity, (revealed also in the Sound Toll registers and the burgh tax rolls in many ofthe small Fife ports, like Anstruther which complained of 'no ships, no merchants, no trade'). The report also gives details offerry boats and fishing boats (usually for herring, like the 17 at Dunbar, 20 at Crail, 19 at Rothesay and 24 belonging to Renfrew) but these have been excluded. ~r& \:1~ Plttenweem km. 0 I 25, sp, 7,5 , 100 miles Numbers and tonnage of Scottish shipping 1692 ML 275
medieval-atlas/economic-development/276 Scottish trade in the seventeenth century Thomas Tucker's reorganisation of customs administration in 1656 was continued and extended after the Restoration. By the 1680s there were over twenty 'precincts', each with its head port where customs were collected: their approximate boundaries are given here, with details of imports, drawn from T C. Smout, Scot/ish Trade on the Eve ofUnion (1963), for the main ports only. The precincts included five along the Border, made necessary by the re-imposition ofan English customs barrier after 1660. Deals (sawn fir planks) and iron came from Norway and Sweden respectively, mostly into eastcoast ports; madder, a dyestuff, from the Netherlands; most leather, ..... 25 50 75 100 0102030405080 dealS :-: iron madder .. leather by contrast, came from England, either by sea into the Clyde or overland. Wine, by contrast, came largely from France, dried fruit from the wholesale markets of the Netherlands, hops from England or Flanders; cooking pots, brass ware kettles and the like from northwest Germany and Sweden as well as from England and the Netherlands. The quantities of lUXUry consumables coming into Leith confirms it as an entrepat for other Scottish ports and the capital as a centre of conspicuous consumption; but the disproportionate amount of madder and pots entering Bo' ness was far more than local needs merited and must have been transported overland to the west and south-west. ..... 25 50 75 100 o 10 20 30 40 50 eo Wine :-: dried fruit hops . . pots Imports of deals, iron, madder and Imports of French wine, dried fruit, leather by ports 1686 to 1696 hops and pots by ports 1686 to 1696 276
medieval-atlas/economic-development/277 Scottish trade in the seventeenth century The following series of maps, drawn from statistics in T.e. Smout's, Scottish Trade on the Eve o/Union, /660-/707 (1963) are based on the returns of customs books, of arrivals and departures of laden ships, for the various precincts. They do not deal with the considerable, but mostly small-scale trade with Ireland, nor with the exports from the Dumfries precinct, where the books of departures do not survive. They deal in numbers of ships, which could vary considerably in size depending both on distance travelled and commodity carried and do not necessarily reflect the value, especially ofimports. Measured by ships alone, by far the most important ports, both for arrivals and departures, lay in the Forth estuary, though no longer, as earlier in the century, Leith alone. The pattern of trade did, however, vary considerably, not only in terms of geographical point of embarkation or destination, but also between the import and export trades. Twice as many ships arrived carrying imports into Leith as departed from it with exports. Far fewer ships went to Norway than arrived from there; yet as many left Montrose for Norway with grain as arrived with its timber. West 7.3% 'V:Y~»>), Departures of laden ships 1680 to 86 Prestonpans ,i,i Leith Bo'ness Kirkcaldy Perth Dundee Montrose Aberdeen Inverness Port Glasgow Ayr Irvine .. Prestonpans in, Leith Bo'ness Kirkcaldy Perth Dundee Montrose Aberdeen Inverness Port Glasgow Ayr Irvine Dumfries Customs precincts and head courts SPAlN Arrivals of laden ships 1680 to 86 Exports and imports 1680 to 1686 277
medieval-atlas/economic-development/278 Scottish trade in the seventeenth century Trade with the Baltic, which had long been an importer of cheap cloth, hides and skins from Scotland (taking 200,00 skins a year in the early seventeenth century, some 40% of total exports), declined sharply after 1660, averaging only 93,000 a year. The I 690s would, however, see a revival in the Baltic trade, especially in fish. One of N.W.Germany 3.1% .......... ..................... •• 0 •••••••• • • ••• ••• 0 ••• 0 ••••••• iili· ••••••••••••••• 0 ••• Other countries' ... -:-:::::::::::::::::::-: .... 79% Percentage of ships departing from Scotland 1680 to 1686 Number of ships Total number of ships departing from Scotland 1680 to 1686 the major shifts in the Scottish economy in the seventeenth century lay in the export of grain and Norway was one of the chief markets for it, explaining why half ofall ships bound for there came from the Tay. But the fall in Norway's demand for Scottish salt after 1660 underljnes the relatively modest number leaving from the Forth. Most of the cargoes to N.W. Germany were of coal, from the collieries of the Forth. Number of ships departing from Scotland to the ML Baltic, Norway and North-West Germany 1680 to 1686, by burgh 278
medieval-atlas/economic-development/279 Scottish trade in the seventeenth centurv (almost three out ofevery ten) came from Norway: in some precincts, Exports from the southern Baltic, of flax, hemp, some linseed and miscellaneous goods, like brass, pots, glass and beer (but no longer ofgrain and rye, as in the 1620s, mostly from Danzig and Konigsberg, came largely into east-coast ports. In contrast, about a third ofthe iron and copper, which made up the bulk ofSweden's exports, came to the Clyde. By far the highest proportion ofships arriving from the north Norway 28.6% Percentage of ships arriving in Scotland 1680 to 1686 1500 1000 500 0 >-> :;::;as c o;~'" CDoE Z Ol (!) Total number of ships arriving in Scotland 1680to 1686 like Montrose and Prestonpans, they accounted for as many as 50 to 60% ofall arrivals. After 1660 timber ships became a commoner sight on the Upper and Lower Clyde. Almost all 6f them carried timber, usually in the form ofdeals, which averaged 360,000 pieces a year but attracted a low customs duty; some also had pitch and tar. Imports from Hamburg and Bremen, confined mostly to east-coast ports, were diverse and much slighter, although N.W. Germany did have a Scottish factor in the 1690s.
medieval-atlas/economic-development/280 Scottish trade in the seventeenth century Most of the staple exports to the Netherlands -hides, cloth, wool, and plaiding -continued to go from traditional east-coast ports like Leith, but their volume fell sharply, especially after 1685. Coal, from the ports of Bo'ness, Culross and Kirkcaldy, mostly went to Rotterdam until demand for it there collapsed in the 1670s and 1680s; the still large number of cargoes shown here were probably trans-shipped .. .~ ... .. ....., .... .. ..... \ ...... . . . . . . . .... . ) ....... . . . . . . I.·.·.·.· . . . . . . . Other countries 46.5% from there to Flanders. Some coal also went to Normandy, but the bulk ofexports to France was made upoffish from the Clyde and the Forth and woollen and linen cloth from the west country -until 168990 when a ban on imports of herring and cloth and punitive tariffs on coal imposed by the French government sharply reduced trade, with severe consequences, especially for the Forth ports. Percentage of Ships departing from Scotland 1680 to 1686 150 1000 500 Total number of ships departing from Scotland 1680 to 1686 FRANCE Number of ships departing from Scotland to Netherlands, ML Flanders and France 1680 to 1686, by burgh 280
medieval-atlas/economic-development/281 Scottish trade in the seventeenth century The pattern of trade with the Netherlands had been changing since at least the 1620s with a drift, especially of imports, away from the staple port ofVeere; by the 1680s it sent only 7% of the ships from the Netherlands to Scotland, and Rotterdam 85%. But over 80% of these imports still arrived in the Forth and almost all the rest between there and Aberdeen. Dutch imports were huge in their variety textiles, fancy foodstuffs, dyestuffs, seeds, manufactures -and mostly easily transported overland, from Bo'ness to Glasgow and Flanders' trade, mostly from Bruges or Ostend to ......... ..................... ..... ...... . ......................... ............. Other countries 55.3% Percentage of ships arriving in Scotland 1680 to 168 Total number of ships arriving in Scotland 1680to Fife, was very modest by comparison although it prospered during the DutchWars of 1665-7 and 1672-4. French imports -of wine and brandy from Bordeaux, salt from La Rochelle and manufactured goods from Normandy ports like Dieppe and Rouen -were of high value in relation to their bulk and the figure of 10% of ships carrying them may understate their significance. 35% of French cargoes went to Leith and 20% to Glasgow -a quite different pattern from Dutch imports, explained both by the southerly position of their ports of departure and local needs. 63% of wine went to Leith and 17% to Glasgow; French salt was more important to the Clyde, which had r----------., far fewer native salt pans than the Forth. 200 100 FRANCE Number of ships arriving in Scotland from ML Netherlands, Flanders and France 1680 to 1686, by burgh 281
medieval-atlas/economic-development/282 Scottish trade in the seventeenth century Linen cloth accounted for at least a third and, at times, two-thirds of the value ofall exports to England. But cattle, driven overland mostly through Carlisle (and not shown here), was probably the most consistently valuable single export to England and must have seriously reduced the amount of hides exported there and elsewhere by sea. The map does not, however, reflect the large number of small, open boats plying southwards across the Solway with hides and other staple wares. Other skins continued to be shipped, especially to London, which in peak years received as many as the Baltic. Neither ........ . .... .. ... . ,':::::::::::::::::::::::: i"l" Other countries '.:.::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: ::::::::::::::.' 84.2% ................... . . ,-:-:::::::::::::::::::::::::-:-", Percentage of ships departing from Scotland 1680 to 1686 1000 herring nor salmon figured greatly amongst exports to England and barriers were successfully raised against cheaper Scottish grain, salt and coal after the Restoration, although the large number of ships leaving Prestonpans and Bo'ness were small colliers. Exports to Spain were slight and those to America, confined largely to west-coast ports, were mixed -including indentured servants as well as coal, linen and woollen cloth -but as yet modest in both value and quantitiy \1)] Total number of ships departing from Scotland 1680 to 1686 Number of ships departing from Scotland to England, ML Spain and America 1680 to 1686, by burgh 282
medieval-atlas/economic-development/283 Scottish trade in the seventeenth century Imports from England came overland by drove roads; in small, open boats over the Solway (which have not been reflected here in the returns for Dumfries); and by coasters, which made up 13% of all foreign arrivals. 78% of the sea-borne imports went to the Forth. Most -over 60% by value -came from London, and the bulk of the rest from east-coast ports from Newcastle southwards. English imports resembled Dutch in variety and nature: almost a half were manufactured goods, especially textiles, despite heavy duties and outrights bans imposed on them. Other 84.2% Percentage of ships arriving in Scotland 1680 to 1686 500 Trade with Spain dated only from the later sixteenth century but imports -of both wine and salt -would increase sharply during the I 690s as a result of England's war with France. By the 1690s ships from Madeira and the Canaries came regularly to the Clyde. Imports from America -mostly either sugar from the West Indies or tobacco from Virginia and Maryland -came exclusively to the west coast and mostly to Glasgow, which by the I 680s saw six or seven cargoes a year. Some tobacco also came from entrepot ports like Bristol, Lisbon and Bilbao. 150 100 Total number of ships arriving in Scotland 1680 to 1686 Number of ships arriving in Scotland from England, Spain and ML America 1680 to 1686, by burgh 283
medieval-atlas/economic-development/284 Medieval land assessment There were various units of land assessment in early medieval Scotland; the principal were the davach, ounceland, pennyland and ploughgate. Davach is derived from the Gaelic dabhach 'a large tub or vat'; it probably represents the amount of land in respect of which a large vat ofgrain was paid as a render. Strictly a measure ofarable land, probably in the region of200 acres, davachs were situated in the most fertile locations of those parts of the country where they are found. It was commonly named and was a tangible, permanent unit whose shape was largely determined by natural boundaries. There was no significant difference between the davach in the north-east • davach (subdivision or multiple thereof) @ ounce land (subdivision or multiple thereof) and the west. Theounceland was simply thedavach by another name and was presumably the term applied to a unit of land which paid a tax in money or produce to the value of one ounce of silver. The pennyland also belonged to the davachlounceland system of land assessment. It represented the amount of land which paid tax to the value of one silver penny In the west Highlands and Islands the ounceland or davach comprised twenty pennylands. Pennylands were also grouped in twenties in the south-west, where place-name evidence indicates that the davach was once in use. In the Northern Isles and Caithness, there were eighteen penny lands in oneounceland. Davachs and ouncelands in Scotland kms 25 50 75 100 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles place-names containing davach element Davach names in south-west Scotland 284
medieval-atlas/economic-development/285 Medieval land assessment These units served an important fiscal role as the basis on which military service iforinsecum servitium) and taxes were assessed. The origins of the system may be traced back to the house system of seventh-century Dalriada as recorded in Senchus fer nAlban. The geographical distribution of the units is explicable in terms of population movements and settlement patterns during the Dark Ages .. --., "" 10203040 50 80 -of Scots to Pictland, Scandinavians to the Western Isles, Northern Isles and Caithness, and Gallgaidhil to Galloway. Not part of the same system but fulfilling a similar function was the ploughgate, normally what a plough-team could handle in one year -usually about 104 acres of arable land. -kmo 25 50 7S 100 10 20 30 AO .50 eo Pennylands in Scotland before 1600 Ploughgates in Scotland before 1600 285
medieval-atlas/economic-development/286 Medieval rural settlement The documentary evidence for medieval rural settlement tends to be vague or allusive. As yet, field work has not made good this deficiency. A growing number of possible medieval sites have been surveyed, but few have been excavated or dated accurately. Moreover, where sites have been excavated, as at Lix (Perthshire), it has emphasised rather than resolved the problems involved. To a degree, pre-improvement estate plans drawn up during the eighteenth century support some inferences about earlier forms, but their facile use can attach a false stability to settlement morphology. Such difficulties must make any generalisations provisional. With this proviso firmly in mind, we may tentatively assert that the commonest form of settlement was the small fermtoun, an irregular cluster of farmsteads, outbuildings and kailyards occupied by the co-or joint-tenants who shared possession of the toun. The small scale ofsuch settlement (generally 2 to 6 tenants) can be ascribed to the fragmented nature of good-quality, undrained arable soil and to a process whereby growing ferm-touns tended to fission into smaller units. Its random plan can be attributed to the absence ofa formally-designated area for the farmsteads and to their part construction out of perishable raw materials like wattle and turf. As in medieval England, the ordinary peasant dwelling needed regular replacement and, over time, shifted between different positions and alignments. Although the most widespread form of rural settlement, small, irregular touns were not the only one. The layout ofsome pre-improvement estate plans discloses a greater semblance of order, perhaps by being arranged on a one-or two-row basis or around a simple, open courtyard. Possibly these more orderly plans were associated with the wider adoption of stone-built housing and more efficient farming over the seventeenth century. However, we cannot exclude the possibility that some had medieval antecedents. Scattered references to tofts from the twelfth century onwards bear this out. In theory, tofts were allotments specifically set aside for the farmsteads of a toun, an area of private space. They imposed a stable and, usually, an orderly framework of bounds around the farmsteads of the toun and ipso faCIO limitations on their movement. Toft systems were laid out on a one-or two-row basis and even on either side of a green (for example Midlem in Roxburghshire). There are also descriptions of 'full' or 'half tofts as if there was a calculation to their size, whilst the possession of others was clearly seen as betokening the possession of a particular holding, but the extent to which their size or sequence of allocation was linked to that of holdings has still to be demonstrated. Indeed, whilst we find touns in which each landholder was required, as on the Coupar Angus Abbey estate, to 'set his bygyn apon his awin toft' , there are hints that this was not the case everywhere. The landholders who shared a ferm-toun faced the choice of either dividing their portions into separate, consolidated holdings or laying them out in the form of intermixed strips (or runrig). Although the first of these options was used to a limited extent, runrig was the more widely-adopted strategy, illustrated here at Auchencraw and one that invariably forced tenants into a degree of cooperation over husbandry. Prior to the improving movement, the toun economy was organised around areas of intensive cropping or infield, of alternate grass and arable husbandry or outfield and common grazings. The precise cropping of infield and outfield varied from one region to another. Generally speaking, infields in the more fertile east and south-east might carry a crop of wheat as well as the staple grains of oats and bere plus a crop of peas or beans, whereas those of the north and west were subjected to a monotonous cycle of oats and barley. The main differences in outfield cropping practice lay in the proportion cropped and the duration of each cropping cycle, with touns to the north and north-west developing the more exploitive system. Rights of access to common grazing were contingent on possession of a holding, with the amount of stock grazed by each landholder being carefully stented. Where pasture was abundant, the more distant grazings were exploited through a shieling system. There is ample evidence that shieling systems were initially developed in areas like Larnmermuir as well as throughout the Highlands. However, with the development of the monastic economy, hill pasture in the southern uplands was used to support a more independent pastoral economy. Outwardly, infield, outfield and common grazing represent different sectors of farm activity. However, they possess a further dimension of meaning. Ab origine, infield formed that part of the medieval township which was assessed as arable and measured in terms of standard tenemental units such as merklands or husbandlands, whilst outfield represented a later expansion, perhaps as late as the fifteenth or sixteenth century, into the surrounding waste. The temporary cropping of outfield can be attributed to the fact that the only manure which it received was that provided by the tathing of livestock during the summer prior to its cultivation, so that its limited reserves offertility declined until, after three or four years of cropping, it was abandoned to grass again. Location Map RAD 286
medieval-atlas/economic-development/287 Medieval rural settlement These and the following maps are all based on eighteenth-century estate plans held in the Scottish Record Office. Aroncroch, Fife, 1786 _ Buildings Old Flinder, Aberdeenshire, 1762 Belhenny, Aberdeenshire, 1776 Auchnahyle, Banffshire, 1773 Medieval rural settlement from later estate plans RAD 287
medieval-atlas/economic-development/288 Medieval rural settlement Runrig lands ofAuchencraw, Berwickshire, about 1713 RAD 288
medieval-atlas/economic-development/289 Medieval rural settlement Infield Outfierd Common grazing Medieval township economy: the lands of Forbes, parish of Clatt, about 1771 RAD 289
medieval-atlas/economic-development/290 Feuing of Church lands in the sixteenth century Thefeuing ofchurch lands -whereby bishops, abbots, commendators effect in turning many tenants into owner-occupiers -particularly and other benefice holders, instead of leasing their lands for a year since church lands were generally the most fertile. or years (or for life or lives) in return for a rent, granted a feu in At first glance, these transactions did not offend against the perpetuity in return for a single lump sum (or grassum) and a rule that they must not diminish the patrimony of the church; but with perpetual but fixed annual feu duty -can be traced from the fifteenth the rapid depreciation of the coinage, the real value of the fixed feucentury. But the granting offeus reached a peak in the years 1550 to duty also fell, benefiting the feuars. The map and charts shows the 1570. The great volume of feus in these years had a far-reaching extent to which feus of church lands were granted to sitting tenants. 51% % 100 561 . ~ 77% 57::% 75 ~ 80% 80% Coldingham o I o Percentage of feus granted to sitting tenants in Scotland 25 ' 10 20 kms 50 ,, 30 miles 75 100, , 50 60 MHBS 290
medieval-atlas/economic-development/291 Feuing ofChurch lands in the sixteenth century The map illustrates the pattern of feuing in a particular barony, that The feu charters of Kinloss abbey as a whole span the peof Strathisla in Banffshire belonging to the abbey of Kinloss which riod from the paternalist government of Abbot Thomas Chrystal to was itself situated in Morayshire. Strathisla lay in the fertile valley the comrnendatorship of Edward Bruce.The abbey was erected into of the river Isla and its tributaries the Aultmore and Paithnick bums, a temporal lordship in favour of Edward Bruce, by charters of 1601 even the lower slopes of Knock and Lurg Hill being under cultivaand 1608. One hundred out of the 104 extant charters were granted tion. The land was cultivated by numerous tenants on the fixed runby Waiter Reid, who was abbot in 1553-83. By the mid-sevenrig pattern. At the centre of the barony stood the tower of Strathisla, teenth century, the area was peppered with the small tower houses the administrative headquarters, and the parish church of Keith, a of the bonnet lairds of Strathisla. mensa! kirk of the bishop of Moray. ••Killesmond Kilbady• Windyhills. Creyleto. Balnamoon 000 o 0 'Echeris' Westertown. o Edingight Knockbog 000 'OCK\ILL 000 00 00 Crannach 26 24 " -:. ."" 00 000 o • Knock ••Kinminitieo. o Newmill paithnict • Fortry.~~ • Berryleys 0 Gallowhill o·Floors larmore Muiryfold• • Braco /////A Keith/'.Lparish // Kirk Strathis/a Thornton• Garrowood • Haughs. I!!I 0 0 • Cantly of Grange Tower of Strathisla ';,';,Millegan.0 .00 o Nethermills -;;.. G " 2 o n Social distribution of 000 Occupant Feuars • Non-occupant Feuars occupier feuars in the barony of Strathisla (actual numbers) Distribution of feuars ..L--'-'--'~~~ Social distribution of non occupier feuars in the barony of Strathisla (actual numbers) % 50 100 90 80 40 70 60 50 "0 .(jj COl 30 0"0 C"en 20 .~ ~ Location map 10 0 o..L-L...J.---'--'---L---' Percentage of feus feuars (percentages) Social distribution of granted to occupiers Feuing of lands in the barony of Strathisla MHBS 291
medieval-atlas/economic-development/292 Customary succession in leases The surviving rentals of Coupar Angus Abbey cover the years from towards stability ofpossession. The use of patronymics on the abbey 1464 to 1516 and from 1539 to about 1560. The gap is an unfortunate lands during the earlier period makes it impossible to give round one because since there was clearly a move towards longer leases in figures in connection with customary inheritance, but it is safe to say the intervening period; this was the policy ofAbbot Donald Campbell that on most ofthe farmtouns several families are found in possession who feued the lands in the 1550s, thus making permanent the trend for two to three generations, and in some cases more. Number of leases 300 289 280 260 240 220 200 180 160 140 120 100 60 Location map 40 20 12 o o 0 0 0 000 0,-ll~~~~==L-~-L~===--===----------~=-------~~--L 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 II 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 Life Duration of leases (years) Pattern of 418 leases in the lands of Coupar Angus Abbey 1464 . 1516 Number of leases 200 180 Includes those leases converted to life 160 150 140 120 100 Of these, 32 were later converted to leases for life, and 2 for 19 years 66 Of these, 14 were later converted to leases for life 40 20 Later converted to a tack for life 000 0000000000000 0~==~2--3---4L£5A--6--7---8--9--1-0--I-1-1-2--13--14--1-5--1-6-1-7--18-Ll~9~L-i~-Le Duration of leases (years) Pattern of 257 leases in the lands of Coupar Angus Abbey 1539 to about 1560 MHBS 292
medieval-atlas/economic-development/293 Customary succession in leases Important though it was, and reaching a peak in the 1540s and 1550s, feuing spread only gradually on church lands: significant feuing did not appear in Glasgow until the early 1580s. Thus, many families remained tenants for much of the sixteenth century. The most common forms ofcustomary tenure were the lease granted for years or for life and the special case of the rental (life lease) which was renewed on the death of the tenant in favour of his kin. Rentalling was most common in southern Scotland where it had long existed in lands as far apart as Newbattle, Melrose, Glasgow, Paisley and Kilwinning. Even with tacks, including short tacks, it was customary to renew them in favour of the tenant or his family. Continuity of possession, while not universally guaranteed, would seem to be the norm in many parts of the country, in both lay and ecclesiastical lands. In practice these tenants had the right ofsucces 193 200 (64%) 150 100 Directly inherited or passed to another member of the family sion to their holdings but unlike freeholders and feuars they did not have a heritable title. In late medieval Scotland, the claim to customary inheritance by tenants was called the 'kindness' of the holding, the right to succeed because the new tenant was kindly ('kin') to the previous tenant. When a rentaller died leaving a wife and children, the widow enjoyed the lands for her lifetime only; but the children were entitled to be rentalled; and the widow had no power to put in any person in the rental. Further, in Glasgow, even ifthe deceased tenant had alone been rentalled, his widow was entitled to the lands for her lifetime by the privilege of St Mungo's widow. The graphs show the breakdown of the customary sucession in leases in the lands of the abbey ofPaisley in Renfrewshire and Ayrshire and in the lands of the barony of Glasgow. Passed to someone Circumstances not evidently related not given but 'with consent' . Customary inheritance in leases in the lands of Paisley Abbey in Renfrewshire and Ayrshire, 1526 to 1555 • Method of acquiring the holding acquired land through marriage acquired land through mother with consent of relative other than father on death of father or other [ill] relative m:::I with consent of father in his lifetime 1 Directly inherited Passed to No or passed to someone not circumstances another member evidently given (17) of the family related but (527) 'with consent' (399) Customary inheritance in leases in the barony of Glasgow, MHBS about 1509 to 1570 293
medieval-atlas/economic-development/294 Enclosures John Adair's maps of the Lothians show that in that area, where enclosure was relatively advanced, few complexes exceeded about 250-300 acres (approximately 101-121 hectares). However, in such an area, where estates were relatively small and closely spaced, enclosure even on this modest scale could have profound impact on the rural landscape. We are fortunate in having Adair's surveys for parts of eastern Scotland for the last decade of the seventeenth century. These surveys are acknowledged to show settlement with reasonable accuracy. Thus they probably represent a fairly good picture of the state of enclosure. The actual extent of the enclosed lands may have been slight in relation to landscape, but when their areas are calculated as accurately as is possible from the scale of the map, which is not entirely precise, they do not seem unduly out of proportion in relation to other evidence. The map represents the distribution and approximate size of the enclosures as shown by Adair. Location map ,-__"\....__:::N~orth Berwick I cenfiJ 10 30 50 80 200 450 Hectares 24.174.1123.5197.6 494 1111.5Acres o o • Longniddry 0 • o 00 , Prestonpans • Tranent 0 " ,0 , --, , --, ,---- kms --- 0 4, 6 ? I I , ? , , I I I I I , , " 0 1 3 4 5 2miles ,,-- , / , -I "... \ '----,-/ Enclosures in East Lothian in the seventeenth century IOW 294
medieval-atlas/economic-development/295 Markets and fairs outside burghs Between 1550 and 1660, 143 market centres were licensed, folbefore 1660 but a further 136 were authorised by parliament 1660 lowed by a further 346 between 1660 and 1707 (see above, Royal and 1707, many in areas remote from existing burghs. These postburghs and burghs of barony). But the post-Restoration founda1660 foundations were also rather different in their distribution, tions were often different in being granted a licence to hold a reaching into the Highlands and larger islands of the Inner Hebriregular market or a fair without being given the status of a burgh. des. By 1707, only 18% of the mainland of Scotland was more than There were, it has been estimated, about 50 non-burghal centres fifteen miles from an authorised market centre, whether situated in a burgh or outside. ... ..... ,. .00 50 75 100 '" {J o 10 20 o 10 20 30 40 50 eo 30 '" '" eo Markets outside burghs Fairs outside burghs IDW 295
medieval-atlas/economic-development/296 Employment Location map 18 -25% 12 -17.9% ::: :~ : :: 6 -11 .9% 0-5.9% o No data The map shows the percentage of recorded industrial workers in Aberdeenshire in 1696. The lower limit of 3-5% of the active male workforce listed as having industrial occupations may represent the basic level of specialist craft production which was required for a dispersed farming community: weavers, tailors, leather workers, smiths and wrights. Percentages above this threshold may indicate an element of specialisation for regional and national rather than local markets. In Aberdeenshire, recorded industrial workers were fewest in the remote upper Dee and Don valleys. Rural industry was concentrated in the belt extending from Buchan, noted for its sheep rearing, through the pastoral north-eastern interior of the country. Parishes in the predominately arable Garioch had lower levels of recorded industrial employment. A second concentration occurs around Aberdeen. There were many butchers in the parishes surrounding the burgh, few elsewhere in the county, and many specialist metal and clothing workers who were not normally found in rural areas. The distribution of textile workers shows a more marked concentration in the pastoral north. [n some Buchan parishes, one man in five or six was recorded as a weaver. Male employment in rural industry, Aberdeenshire 1696 IDW 296
medieval-atlas/economic-development/297 Growth of manufactories, 1590 to 1707 There was an appreciable growth, especially after 1660, of 'manufactories'. The details here, from a convenient list in G. Marshall, Presbyteries and Profits (1980), which derives from the printed records, mostly of parliament and privy council, almost certainly understates the real number. Yet they hardly amounted to, as was once claimed, ' an industrial revival' . Their growth should be considered along with other developments of the seventeenthcentury economy such as the growth of burghs of barony; the flight of some crafts, especially in Edinburgh, to the suburbs to secure cheaper costs and wage rates; the increasing range of merchant investment of capital in non-mercantile areas and the growing sophistication of business partnerships made on joint-stock lines, which dates from the I620s rather than the I690s; and the repeated government intervention in the economy, seen in the acts in 1641, 1661 and 1681 to encourage woollen manufactories. The projects in paper, glass, hardware, soap and sugar were new but much of the investment in wool, textiles and leather, unlike the famous cloth manufactory at Newmills near Haddington, was probably only an extension of long-established patterns of putting-out to rural industry. Most manufactories were small-scale and, except for those in sugar, hardly profitable. They did not, as they were intended to, make Scotland self-sufficient in these products. Theirconcentration around Edinburgh (which had at least nine before 1650) and, after 1660, in Glasgow reflects the predominance of investment by burgesses of these two towns and neighbouring lairds in these ventures. \f' .~ _,,!),e! 0\ Colinton "" Braid Detail of Edinburgh -Leith area Manufactories 1590 to 1707 (/) CD .;:: tl 30
medieval-atlas/economic-development/298 Taxation in medieval Scotland The Old Extent of benefices (parish revenues, also known as spiritualities) is preserved in a diocesan list presented to the Scottish parliament in 1366. It is also to be found in four ecclesiastical registers, which record both summary totals for all the mainland Scottish dioceses and valuations of individual parishes in the dioceses of St Andrews, Brechin and Aberdeen. All are copies of lost originals that had been drawn up for a tax of 4d in the merk (a fortieth) and subsequently used to calculate taxes of 5d and 6d in the merk. The only recorded tax of a fortieth -of all revenues and saleable goods -was ordered by Pope Innocent III in 1199 for the relief of the Holy Land. It was the flfSt ecclesiastical income tax and was levied in England and France in 120 I, the same year that a papal legate is known to have visited Scotland. Taxes of both 5d and 6d in the merk were agreed by the Scottish Church in 1267; over the intervening period papal taxes known to have been col- lected in Scotland were twentieths. Internal evidence therefore suggests that the Old Extent of benefices may date from 1201 and is certainly earlier than 1267. As teinds -in theory the tenth part of the produce of land or labour -constituted the main element of benefices, this map provides an invaluable indication of the geographical distribution of £s per mile of dioceses 1.00 and over 0.75 -0.99 0.50 -0 .74 0.25 -0 .49 Under 0.25 wealth and population throughout Scotland. Regrettably, the only detail to have survived is from the wealthy eastern dioceses. The overall value per square mile of Aberdeen (£0.71) was greatly diminished by the poor Highland deanery of Mar. Similar variations would have occurred in most dioceses, particularly Glasgow and Moray. The distortion is reversed in the case of Dunkeld, where the value per square mile of its Highland core is unduly enhanced by a large number of wealthy and distant Lowland parishes (diocesan 'peculiars' in church law). No comparable data survive for the Western or Northern Isles, then in the ecclesiastical province of Nidaros (Norway). The Old Extent of benefices remained the basis for papal taxation of spiritualities until the 1270s, when a new collector -Baiamondo di Vezza -was instructed to draw up fresh assessments of both spiritualities and temporalities (ecclesiastical estates). Although some accounts and assessments from 'Bagimond's Roll' survive, they are incomplete and cannot readily be mapped. This and the following assessment (see below, Nicholas IV tithe) were intensely unpopUlar. In the fourteenth century the Old Extent was reintroduced for the taxation of benefices. Old Extent of church benefices, before 1267, by square miles ASt 298
medieval-atlas/economic-development/299 Taxation in medieval Scotland Direct taxation was rare in medieval Scotland. In the main the crown was expected to support itself from its own revenues. In the twelfth century occasional taxation was agreed between the king, clergy, barons and burghs on the basis of a lump sum from each estate; each probably divided up by agreement amongst themselves. This was the system readopted on the rare occasions that taxation was levied in the later fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. Apart from taxation of the clergy, almost nothing is known about taxation in the thirteenth century. But from fourteenth-century references it is apparent that, as in England, taxes based on the detailed assessment of saleable goods and revenues supplanted the older system of tallage in the thirteenth century. After a period of fossilisation around old assessments, a national system of income assessment was reintroduced to pay for the ransom of David 1I. The earliest surviving assessments of lay and ecclesiastical estates are known from summaries by sheriffdom that were presented to the Scottish parliament in 1366, when they were compared with current valuations. Tax legislation of the 1320s states £s per mile of sheriffdoms 4.00 and over 3.00 -3.99 H~~ 2.00 -2.99 1.00 -1.99 that the assessment of estates then in use dated from the reign of Alexander 1II (1249-1286). For most areas, surviving summary tax returns of the 1320s are broadly consistent with the old valuations recorded in 1366. But returns from the border sheriffdoms, which by the 1360s were partly occupied by the English, were much higher. These higher valuations are reflected in the map below. Various other changes may also be inferred. The sheriff of Inverness was responsible for tax collection throughout northern Scotland. His jurisdiction had earlier also extended to the Hebrides, but in 1366 the mainland and Inner Hebridean estates of the Lord of the Isles were separately recorded within Argyll. Argyll seems to have had a very loosely defined status. In 1366 it is recorded as a series of fiefs, which may earlier have been divided between other sheriffdoms. Various estates of the 'Lord Steward of Scotland' were listed separately within Argyll. His principal Lowland estate, the barony of Renfrew, seems to have been included within the sheriffdom of Dunbarton, although previously part of Lanarkshire. Under 1.00 Tax assessments of lay and ecclesiastical estates, before 1286 ASt 299
medieval-atlas/economic-development/300 Taxation in medieval Scotland In 1290 Pope Nicholas IV ordered new assessments of ecclesiastical income to be made throughout western Christendom and tithes to be levied for six years towards the cost of a crusade. The assessments were prepared between the autumn of 1291 and the spring of 1292, on the basis of sworn statements by the clergy of the value of all ecclesiastical revenues and saleable goods. The military orders, leper hospitals and clerical incomes of 6 merks (£4) or less were exempt. The first tithe was levied in 1292. As an inducement to take up the cross, Pope Nicholas granted all receipts from tbe British Isles to King Edward I of England. The Scottish record survives, among documents of Bishop Halton of Carlisle, tbe chief collector for Scotland, in a summary account of diocesan assessments and receipts. Although still part of tbe ecclesiastical province of Nidaros (Norway), Halton also collected tithes in tbe diocese of Sodor (the Hebrides, the islands in tbe Firth of Clyde and the Isle of Man). On the Isle of Man tithes were collected for all six years of tbe tax, thus providing separate evidence for the valuation of Man; whereas in the rest of Scotland tbe tithe was levied only for the first four years, because of the breakdown in Anglo-Scottish relations towards the end of 1295 and the square mile of dic)CEISeS i 5.00 and over 3.00 -4.99 1.50 -2.99 0.50 -1.49 Under 0.50 subsequent wars. A detailed assessment of benefices and other ecclesiastical revenues in the archdeaconry of Lothian (excluding the appropriated benefices and estates of the bishop of St Andrews) survives among tbe records of Coldingham Priory. This provides the one point of reference witb the Old Extent of benefices and shows an average increase in the value ofLothian benefices of some 56%: an increase of 65 % in the deanery of Linlitbgow, 69% in the deanery of Haddington and 38% in the deanery of Merse. It also provides evidence of the ratio of spiritualities (benefices) to temporalities (ecclesiastical estates) and indicates tbat in Lothian 64.5% of recorded ecclesiastical income was derived from benefices, almost Nicholas IV tithe in England and Wales, 1291 to 1292 ASt 300
medieval-atlas/economic-development/301 Taxation in medieval Scotland identical to the English and Welsh average of 64.4%. Compared with most other parts of Scotland, there was a large concentration ofreligious houses in and around the archdeaconry ofLothian, which suggests that the disproportionate scale of Scottish monastic estates is a myth; unlike the appropriation of benefices, which accounted for almost half the monastic assessment and at least 60% of par ishes. . Comparison with the English and Welsh assessments indicates a national average of £4.04 per square mile in England, £1.34 per square mile in Scotland and £0.90 per square mile in Wales. As might be expected, the Western Isles and the north and west Highlands were much the poorest areas recorded in the Nicholas IV as sessment, followed by the Welsh dioceses, Galloway, the Isle of Man, Devon and Cornwall. More surprising is the relative poverty of the north-western Midlands. In all these English and Welsh dioceses (other than Llandaff) ecclesiastical estates accounted for a quarter or less of the assessment. By contrast, in the richest English dioceses (apart from Lincoln and Norwich) ecclesiastical estates accounted for nearly half the assessment, well over half in the case of Ely. Remarkably, mile for mile, St Andrews was apparently wealthier than all but a handful of English dioceses. The P Sodor 0.08 £s per miie oi dioceses 5.00 and over 3.00 -4.99 M;~ JffR H:.....f-~ 1.50 -2.99 l.JJJw R-TM-T-M 0.50 -1.49 ~............., Under 0.50 from Lothian suggests that this was not disproportionately due to temporal revenues, although later evidence indicates that the concentration of ecclesiastical estates was significantly greater in the archdeaconry of St Andrews (see below, Taxed income, 1365 to 1373). It has often been suggested that in Scotland the Nicholas IV assessment was excessively high. At nearly a fifth of the English total its scale is remarkable -double the ratio of GDP today. But recent numismatic research and analysis of Coldingharn estate records tend to support its conclusions. The 'Taxation of Pope Nicholas' was rapidly abandoned in Scotland but in England and Wales, despite initial protests about its severity, it remained the basis for ecclesiastical taxation until the Reformation. StAndrews Glasgow Ranking of dioceses by parish by number, about 1300 Moray Dunkeld Isles Argyll Galloway 46 Brechin 23 Caithness 23 Lothian Deaneries Nicholas IV tithe in Scotland, 1291 to 1292 ASt 301
medieval-atlas/economic-development/302 Taxation in medieval Scotland To help raise the ransom of David n, the Scottish Parliament enacted in 1357 that annual revaluations be made of all revenues: benefices, rents, goods, crops, livestock and all other possessions. All classes were to be assessed and taxed. The only items to be exempted from taxation, but not assessment, were white sheep, domestic horses, oxen and household utensils. Taxes were levied every year from 1358 to 1360. There was then a break until 1365, apart from annual tithes of Church income that had been granted by the Pope. In 1366, with the English government threatening hostilities if the ransom was not discharged within four years, a major review became necessary. In May 1366, it was ordered that all old and new assessments of lay and ecclesiastical lands and revenues were to be collected and presented to parliament. Parliament met at Scone in July to consider the position and agreed that further assessments be made of the goods of burgesses and husbandmen (tenant farmers) -these later assessments have not survived. When the true value of all goods throughout the kingdom was known, it was enacted that a general contribution be levied. Full comparison with the Old Extent (see above) was not possible in 1366. A reduction of 21 % had been made in the Old Extent of ~ ~ benefices for the diocese of Glasgow, because Annandale and many parishes in the deaneries of Eskdale and Teviotdale were 'subject to the king of England'. For the same reason, in the deanery of Merse many parishes had been revalued by estimate, for comparative purposes, and Berwick had been excluded. Comparison with tax returns of the I 320s indicates that at least 73% (by value) of estates in the sheriffdom of Berwick were under English occupation, 67% of those in both Roxburgh and Selkirk, and 31 % in Dumfries. These reductions have been reflected in the valuations per square mile in the remaining maps of this series. A further problem was that in Argyll the Lord of the Isles, the 'Lord Steward of Scotland' and John of Lorn had prevented the making of any assessment of their estates: the old extent of these lands was presented but not. their current value. Resistance in Argyll is likely to have been matched in the sheriffdom of Inverness, where the earl of Ross was in rebellion and where the Lord of the Isles also had extensive estates; as there is no qualification in the 1366 record of Inverness, it may be that here too revaluations had been made by estimate. 4.00 and over K""":""
medieval-atlas/economic-development/303 Taxation in medieval Scotland Taken at face value, average income from lay and ecclesiastical estates had declined by 49% since the reign of Alexander III and income from benefices by 37% since the date of the Old Extent (before 1267, possibly 1201). As there is no discernible reduction in the 1320s, most or all of this decline had occurred later. The principal cause must have been depopulation as a result of the Black Death in 1349-50 and the Grey Death in 1361-2, leading to reductions in rent and the abandonment of marginal land. Climatic deterioration may also have been a significant factor. So too may have been the trebling of export duty on wool, hides and wool fells in 1358. This provided an additional return to the Exchequer of nearly £3,000 in 1365-6, almost 13% of the total recorded value oflay and ecclesiastical estates, although much of the impact wouid have been borne by the peasantry, which was always a major producer (see below, Taxed income). There is a pronounced gradient in the reduction of estate values from west to east and from north to south (see above, Tax assessments of lay and ecclesiastical estates, before 1286). The reduction was least in the eastern Lowland sheriffdoms of Edinburgh, Fife, Clackmannan, Peebles, Forfar and Kincardine (down by between 25% and 34%); with Roxburgh, Lanark, Berwick and Stirling, these had been the richest areas in the thirteenth-century assessment. Doubtless, destabilisation exacerbated the reduction in Berwick (40% less), Roxburgh (54% less) and Selkirk (47% less). Lanark and Stirling seem to have been affected by their relative P Sodor? £s per mile of dioceses 1.00 and over 0.75 -0.99 0.50 -0.74 0.25 -0.49 Under 0.25 height and more westerly position (down by 57% and 61 %). The west-coast Lowland sheriffdoms had declined by between 56% (Dunbarton and Renfrew) and 67% (Dumfries), with Wigtown down by 84%. In the Highlands, the Argyll estates that had been re-assessed were 78% lower, the valuation of Inverness was 65 % lower, and Perth was 50% lower. Banffhad declined by 88%, a suspiciously high figure when compared with later tax returns (see below, Taxed income). Aberdeen had declined by 42%. The pattern of decline in the assessment of benefices has many similarities, although it is less pronounced (see above, Old Extent of church benefices, before 1267). The assessment confirms that the wealthiest, most densely populated part of the country remained the eastern Lowlands, which had declined least; while the Highlands and Galloway had declined most. The reported income of benefices in the diocese of Caithness had declined by 70%, in both Moray and Galloway by 61 %, in Argyll by 53% and in Dunkeld by 50%. There is much less variation between Dunblane (38%), Glasgow (37%) and St Andrews (34%). The decline was least in Brechin (27%), Ross (23%) and Aberdeen (9%). The figure for Ross looks surprising but seems to be borne out by later tax returns, which must always have been heavily skewed towards the lowlands of Easter Ross and the Black Isle (see below, Taxed income); whereas £0.65 per square mile for Aberdeen was far higher than can be justified by later returns and may result from a transcriptional error. Assessed income of church benefices 1366 ASt 303
medieval-atlas/economic-development/304 Taxation in medieval Scotland Preserved among the exchequer rolls are summaries of recei pts from the taxes levied as contributions towards David IT's ransom. The nature of the returns differs significantly from the 1366 assessments in that taxes were collected by the sheriffs from lay freeholders and their tenants and by diocesan officials from the clergy and their tenants. It is unclear whether the structure of the 1366 assessments had been primarily dictated by the preoccupations of the Scottish parliament or by the nature of the earlier assessments (which had related to aids payable by tenants holding lands in fee from the crown and to dues on spiritualities owed to the papacy). The former seems more probable. The prelates and barons must have been deeply worried about a steep decline in their income. They sought to spread the tax burden and to highlight their predicament to the king by comparing the latest available assessments with the earlier standards. The figures mapped below are derived from the highest recorded return from each source. The returns cover six years: 1365, 1366,1368,1369,1370 and 1373. In 1365 the burghs compounded to pay a fixed sum and other groups were taxed at a rate of Is in the pound (a twentieth), which was the general rate in 1366 and 1370. In 1368 the burghs again to pay a fixed sum and the "\3 tax rate for other groups was set at 6d in the pound (a fortieth). The rate for all groups in 1369 was 3d in the pound (an eightieth). While in 1373 the clergy and their tenants were taxed at a rate of 6d in the pound and other groups at Is in the pound. Most sheriffdoms and dioceses contributed in all years, but their returns fluctuated greatly in value and contributions from many sources seem to have been forthcoming only in certain years. In lands controlled by the earl of Ross and in the dioceses of Caithness and Sodor no taxes may have been collected in the years from 1365 onwards. In the diocese of Argyll tax returns were made only in 1365 and 1373; modest returns from the sheriffdom of Argyll were made in 1365 and 1369, but the lordship of the Isles submitted no return until 1373 and it is probable that was also the case on the Argyll estates of the Steward (by 1373 King Robert II). In the south, returns from the sheriffdoms of Edinburgh, Berwick, Selkirk and Wigtown wef(~ irregular and fluctuated wildly. The fluctuations in Midlothian are particularly surprising, and the few returns from East Lothian are too low to be credible. ' Because no detailed accounts have survived, it is impossible to gauge the thoroughness of the tax collectors or to estab!H;h whether all classes of society were included (there were large substrata in town and country below burgesses and husbandmen, the lowest classes specifically mentioned in the 1366 legislation). The best that can be said is that the summary assessments and returns from 1365 to 1373 provide the most comprehensive statistical representation available of medieval Scottish society. .. : . : . : . : . :[0;67]' : . : . : . : £s per square mile of sheriffdoms" 8.00 and over "for sheriffdoms see Section V Under 2.00 Taxed income of lay freeholders and their tenants 1365 to 1373 ASt 304
medieval-atlas/economic-development/305 Taxation in medieval Scotland As the assessments of 1366 and the tax returns of 1365 to 1373 ants' income. The position is distorted by the inclusion of church were constructed on different bases, the value of church income income in the 1366 assessment of estates but its exclusion from the from benefices (spiritualities) can be directly gauged, but not church sheriffs' tax returns. Yet the general trends are clear. In the west income from ecclesiastical estates (temporalities). Similarly, it is (and probably the north) landowners' income formed a much smaller impossible to gauge directly the relative values of lay and ecclesi-proportion of the total returns than in the east. Excluding Argyll and astical estates. But a rough estimate may be made of the relative Inverness, where the comparative coverage is unclear, the sum of scale of ecclesiastical benefices to temporalities in each diocese. the highest returns from the sheriffdoms was 67% greater than the The average division across Scotland, on the basis of the highest 1366 assessment of lay and ecclesiastical estates. At one extreme tax returns, was 43% spiritualities to 57% temporalities (the com-were Banff and Kinross, where the highest sheriffdom returns were bined income of the church and its tenants from ecclesiastical es-94% greater than the estates' assessment; at the other was Peebles, tates -unlike the Nicholas IV data, which related only to church where they were only 33% greater. More typical of a regional trend income). The largest land holdings seem to have been in Galloway are: in the south-west and west-central, Dumfries (81 %), Ayr and (86% of taxed income -where the church accounted for nearly 40% Wigtown (both 77%), Stirling (74%), Dunbarton and Renfrew (67%), of the highest combined clerical and lay returns fromWigtownshire ), Lanark (66%) and Clackmannan (65%); in the borders, Berwick, Glasgow (68%), Brechin (67%), Dunkeld (65%) and Moray (64%). Roxburgh and Selkirk (all about 65%); in the east and east-central, St Andrews was closer to the national average, at 58%, than any Edinburgh (c.60%), Fife (59%), Perth (57%), Forfar (64%), Kinother diocese -probably well below average in the archdeaconry of cardine (an atypical 70%) and Aberdeen (49%). Lothian, where many of the large ecclesiastical estates were under Comparison of the highest returns with the thirteenth-cen-English occupation, and well above average in the archdeaconry of tury estate assessments suggests that proportionate values per square St Andrews. In relative terms, the smallest land holdings seem to mile had fallen most in the sheriffdoms of Wigtown, Peebles, Lanhave been in Dunblane (31 %), Aberdeen (39%), Argy II (44%) and ark, Roxburgh, Perth, Aberdeen, Dunbarton and Renfrew (all areas Ross (47%). with much high and marginal land); that they had appreciated most There were also wide variations across Scotland in the ra-in Kinross, Clackmannan and Kincardine (where rents and services vy r" tio of freeholders' to ten may always have been relatively light), and were little altered elsewhere. This suggests that a significant part of the apparent reduction be Caithness tween the thirteenth-century and 1366 estate assessments may indeed be due to falling rents and services. But the pattern varied greatly across the country: transfer of income seems . to have been most marked in the west, Banff and Kincardine; least apparent in Lothian, Fife, Perth and Aberdeen. Sodor? mile of dioceses 2.00 and over 1.50 -1.99 1.00 -1.49 0.50 -0.99 Under 0.50 Taxed i.ncome of the church and its tenants 1365 to 1373 ASt 305
medieval-atlas/economic-development/306 Burgh farms A major factor in the creation of the burghs was their potential as a source of monetary revenue. This derived from rents on burgh properties, petty customs levied on goods entering and leaving the burgh, charges on stalls set up in the burgh market, and fines on those breaking the burgh laws. But these revenues were expensive and difficult to administer, so it became common practice for the crown to lease or farm (also spelled ferm) the collection of some or all of a burgh's revenues for a fixed sum agreed in advance. Often the lease would be only for a year but sometimes it was for several years. Berwick was the first burgh, perhaps by 1231, to obtain an agreement from the crown to farm its revenues in perpetuity orfeu for the sum of 500 marks a year. Whether other burghs did so in the thirteenth century is unknown. The Wars of Independence wrought terrible damage on the Scottish burghs -the charters of most were destroyed -and it is likely that the value of many burgh farms was sharply reduced. The value of Berwick's farm was reassessed at 400 marks in 1320, two years after its recapture from the English. Aberdeen obtained its feufarm from the crown in 1319, at an annual rate of 320 marks. Edinburgh followed in 1329 with a feufarm fixed at 52 marks. From the perspective ofEdinburgh's later development, this seems extraordinarily low, but Edinburgh's prosperity grew out of Berwick's loss. In thirteenth-century and early fourteenth-century Scotland there was one major urban centre in each of the three economic regions into which the country was divided: Berwick in southern Scotland south of the Forth, Perth in central Scotland, and Aberdeen north of the Grampians (beyond the Mounth). These had acted both as the principal craft centres of their regions (hence the scale of their burgh farms), and as entrep6ts for inter-regional and international trade. By the 1320s the old order was breaking down. As the disparity between their export trade and burgh farms indicates, both Edinburgh and Dundee had become important entrep6ts without a corresponding growth as craft centres. Northern ---average payments £300 250 Central 200 -!(t/~ \ 150 ---r----~ " Inver ~ I ~1"1Linlilh90W o [:J Great customs paid on exports .§~\~ barto~ ---', 100 Febuary 1327 to June 1328 \J Renfrew Ru~r9Ien" 1!!1!!1 Average payments of burgh farm ') .... Ayr-~-~';"\"" ... Jooe 132910 Doeemb" 1331 J '~ _-, ~I 50 21.1 19.4 W lowQ 15.3 South-west 4.9 5.1 2.0 .·.. 1.0 tOm Berwick Aberdeen Edinburgh Dundee Perth Linlithgow Inverkeithing Stirling Average burgh farms and export traffic 1327 to 1331 Average payments of burgh farms 1327 to 1331 ASt 306
medieval-atlas/economic-development/307 Burgh/arms Perth possibly had a feufarm of 240 marks under Robert I, but its levels. This is as clear an indication as it is possible to find of an prosperity was wrecked by the English occupation of the 1330s, absolute decline in both size and prosperity. which, in lesser degree, so damaged most of the Scottish burghs. War and plague combined to produce a long period of Perth did not farm its revenues again untill375, and then for a feu stagnation. Feufarms became increasingly common. Dundee's was of only 120 marks. Apart from the already established feufarms of fixed in l365. Inverness and Montrosefollowed in 1370. By the end Aberdeen and Edinburgh, the farms of all burghs other than Banff of the fourteenth century almost all the burghs making regular and Inverness tumbled and never recovered to their earliest recorded returns to the Exchequer were operating feufarms. Northern' Central Crail Q 0 [J Q P'l [7) G Q 0 [7) Dundee f21 rJ ~ £300 Forfar ~ la E2 B1 ESj I!SI 0 I:
medieval-atlas/economic-development/308 Taxation of burghs Unlike the sheriffdoms and dioceses, the changing circumstances have been included in the sheriffdom and diocesan returns in other of the burghs cannot be gauged from the taxation record (but see years. Apart from Lanark, which had inherited Roxburgh's fair as a above, Burgh farms). The tax returns of the 1360s and 1370s thereresult of the English occupation, only those burghs with substantial fore provide a unique insight into the relative wealth and size of the overseas trade were of much consequence. burghs. They confirm the overwhelming predominance and number Comparison between the tax returns and the 1366 assess of the east-coast burghs. Other evidence may indicate that even the ments provides a rough indication of the distribution of income greatest burghs were very small, but they were nonetheless powerthroughout Scottish society, as shown in the two pie charts below. ful. The townsfolk of Edinburgh were as wealthy as all the barons, The peasantry contributed 54% of the total and the burghs 16% . clergy and peasantry of Midlothian combined; while those ofAberThe division between the clergy and lay freeholders is less clear. deen possessed about a third of the income of their rural hinterland. Assuming that the average division of income between freeholders But these were exceptions: most of the burghs were very poor and and tenants was the same, the clergy contributed about 12% of the were, presumably, minute; many contributed only in 1366 and may total (8.5% from benefices) and lay freeholders about 18%. o Banff ., Aberdeen "" reInverbervle B~Chi: run = Montrose ;: e Forfar ; ~~ rbroath . [] = ~ .StAndrews .: m' 11 Auchterarder ~O. :..:. up. a r . Tax returns 1365 to 1373 ~~ ~~; Crall (highest returns from each source) ~~ Siirling Ill. =Klrkcaldy ;: • 1'!"3 Dunfermline oJ = ~N rth B . k ;; Ii.:.3 Kinghorn/"i 0 erwlc .: H .lnverkei~~L~ = unbar m ffiI ~'. Llnllthgow. .. • ..Nungate Edlnburoh-e '. GIasgow Canonaate = Haddlngton~:: 'lill ~;; '"[;] ;~. Musselburgh Rutherglen H ~~. :: ::: = ;: Lanark. ~1 ~ @Lauder 11 ·Peebles .' Dumfries® Approximate annual taxed 10 income (excluding crown income), 1366 assessments and 1365 to 1373 returns Percentage of total burgh income . Taxed burgh income 1366 to 1373 ASt 308
medieval-atlas/economic-development/309 Taxation ofburghs One fractional return of a tax on the burghs exists before 1535 -for 'the burghs beyond Forth' in 1485. This map shows the percentage assessments on these northern towns in 1485 and 1535. There are significant differences, which reflect the volatile economic fortunes of late medieval towns and the contrasting structure of the two regions encompassed: two burghs disappeared from the list of Tay Nairn Inverness/ Perth / // ") -~~,,---:..--~StAndrews • Auchterarder • C if ~ "I'''' 0 c,., 25 kms / 50 75 100 , , I ' .. o 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles North-east and Tayside burghs paying taxation in 1485 and 1535 Tay 61.7 ~-:::::::t-_North DUNDEE East 20.1 33.6 North East 38.3 1485 1535 Tax assessments on north-east and Tayside regions in 1485 and 1535 ML 309 towns in 1535 and two were added to those in the north-east, but the overall assessment saw a movement of 5% in favour of the Tay towns. Assessments on the ports of Montrose and Arbroath increased sharply, while that on St Andrews fell. The sharpest falls, however, lay along the Moray Firth, where only Elgin had its assessment raised. Montrose ? Arbroath ",~Dundee North-east Tay
medieval-atlas/economic-development/310 Taxation of burghs The regular series of tax rolls levied on the royal burghs begins only as shares of overseas and inland trade. These percentage assessin 1535. Assessments took account of a number of different facments can usefully be compared with those based on customs, which tors, reflecting burgh income and the extent of burgh lands as well give a measurement of overseas trade alone. t ~~E,gin . -y=,nverness f: ~~:;;;..-25 ; ~~Y;]Z~ 20 15 Dundee Perth~ ~-c;StAndrews Cupar '\ ~ er-->'-r'Anstruther Sti~ .....A~~f~rdY .~~.~sland1- Linlithgow Edinburgh Haddington Glasgow /) "'~~ .,c: . ., ., (f) ;: c: .,(f) ., :::> ., Cl 0 ·c e c: .0 Cl :E "0 "E .:: (f) u E (j; l 0 '6 :::> .0 ., :::> 0 >. ~ :::> > Dumfries r W 0 « c.. Ui U :2 i7l « a'" ID 0 E
medieval-atlas/economic-development/311 Taxation ofburghs • Burghs represented on bar-charts o Other burghs Assessments greater then 1535 assessment Assessments less than 1535 assessment 8 6 4 2 Fluctuation L() 0 CO Cl> ' ;; 0 '" '" L() L() L() L() L() L() L() L() CO CO
medieval-atlas/economic-development/312 Taxation ofburghs Until the 1560s the burghs north and south of Forth contributed equally to national taxation. The slippage in the position of the northern burghs, however, was not serious until after 1650: in 1635 they paid 47% of the total and in 164942%; by 1670 this had fallen to 37% and by 1705 to 26%. The shift ofgravity in the Scottish urban economy in this period was not so much from east to west as from north to south. North-East Burghs Tay Burghs Forth Burghs __ .... Boundary of economic region 1:1 Burghs whose assessments are noted separately Stranraer o Burghs whose assessments are Wigtown kms included in 'others' o 25 50 I .. Kirkcudbright , Whit·om. ] o 10 20 30 40 50 Burghs ~'-...: miles Burgh tax assessments by region 1535 to 1705: burghs and regions 1535 1583 1635 1670 1705 Burgh tax assessments by region 1535 to 1705: all regions 312 100 Edinburgh and East Lothian South-east Fife Upper Forth Tay North-east Clyde Solway Borders Others ML
medieval-atlas/economic-development/313 Taxation ofburghs Edinburgh dominated the Forth Basin, with all the old, established burghs like Haddington, Linlithgow and Stirling progressively slipping against it. The rise, particularly between 1590 and 1650, of a number of small Fife ports, whose size belied the level of their trading activity, is one of the most notable features of the tax rolls; but their sharp fall after 1680 was equally spectacular. Burgh tax assessments by regnon 1535 to 1705: Forth burghs A different perspective on the fortunes of provincial centres -like Aberdeen, Dundee, Perth and Glasgow-emerges when they are considered, within their own regions. Although Aberdeen was slipping in terms of both real and percentage share of Scotland's 1535 1583 overseas trade in the later sixteenth century, its tax assessments were relatively stable because it was consolidating its position as the unrivalled market centre for the whole of the nO.rth-east. No other burgh ever accounted for more than 15% of the region's taxation. 1670 Burgh tax assessment by region 1535 to 1705: North-east burghs Amongst the Tay burghs, Dundee and Perth stood out as rival was sharply divergent, as was that of what were otherwise the two regional centres, together accounting for between 58% and 66% of largest ports, St Andrews and Montrose. taxation in the period. Their progress over the period, however, Burgh tax assessments by region 1535 to 1705: Tay burghs The marked rise of Glasgow, described as the most spectacular of the patterns in the seventeenth-century tax rolls, stemmed largely, at least until 1635, from its success in funnelling regional as well as local trade through itself. Its activity in overseas trade was more modest. The two other major regional centres -Ayr and Dumfries -began to slip against Glasgow after the 1580s; both languished after 1650. The decay of the other Solway towns from the 1580s onwards, however, was real as well as relative. 1670 1705 Edinburgh Haddington Crail Pitlenweem Dysart Kirkcaldy Bumtisland Anstruther E. Dunfermline Linlithgow Stirling Aberdeen Elgin Inverness Banff Forres Tain Kirkwall Others Dundee Perth Cupar StAndrews Brechin Arbroath Montrose Forfar Glasgow Dumbarton Renfrew Rutherglen Lanark Ayr Irvine Rothesay Wigtown Kirkcudbright Dumfries 1535 1583 1635 313
medieval-atlas/economic-development/314 Assessments on burghs 1587 In 1587 the crown levied an unusual tax on the burghs, to make up tax can be compared with the assessments made in a conventional tax for the loss it had sustained by farming out the customs since 1583; levied a month earlier, which reflected a broader set of criteria, it reflected the income made by each burgh from trade. This customs including burgh income and lands, and inland trade as well as exports overseas. North East -~ Thy Edinburgh E. Lothian 60% Crail --,-,. {J , Pi\tllriweem Dunfermli , ---, Burntisland Inverkeithing Detail of South-east Fife Tax and customs assessments 1587 ML 314
medieval-atlas/economic-development/315 Assessments on burghs 1587 Tax CUstoms East Lothian E.Lothian assessmenIs assessments 1.25% 2.65% S.E. Fife 9.3% Tay 26.6% North East North East 14.3% 11.7% Tax and customs assessments 1587, by region Every region paid less in customs tax, except for Edinburgh, which had alone accounted for 61 % ofcustom paid 1581-3, and south-east Fife, where every port paid more. All the towns or ports of the Borders, Solway, Upper Clyde (including Glasgow) and the Upper Forth (except for Inverkeithing) paid less. Ayr was the only westcoast port with a large enough stake in the export trade for its assessment to rise. Of the Tay towns, only Perth and Montrose paid' more; and in the north-east a trio of Inverness, Elgin and Banff, 38.1 Customs 9.5 ~»>~~{{>~~~t.-, ..,~7",:,:.5~ .....;":'~};....,. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~I~~~~:~~~~~~~~~~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~ ..... 28.8 Tax 6.0 which probably stemmed from their trade in salmon. Some entries for ports -like North Berwick, Nairn, Irvine, Whithom and Wigtown -are markedly lower in the customs tax and they may have relied on coastal rather than overseas trade. Yet no burgh was rendered exempt in the customs tax, even if some, like Tain and Forfar, had their assessments cut to a nominal fraction: every royal burgh, whether port or inland town, provincial or local market centre, depended to some extent on the export trade in staple commodities -wool, skins, hides, cloth, fish, salt or coal. 2.8 2.5 3.3 2.5 :::::::::::::::!:::::::::::::::!:::::::::::::::!:::::::::::::::1 Edinburgh Dundee Aberdeen Perth SI Andrews Glasgow Dysart Ayr Tax and Customs assessments on leading burghs 1587, as a percentage ML of total assessments on all burghs 315
medieval-atlas/economic-development/316 Burgh tax assessments: Aberdeen and Edinburgh Tax assessment %7.0+ 6.5 6.0 5.5 5.0 4.5 4.0 3.5 3.0 2.5 2.0 1.5 1.0 0.75 0.5 0.25 Average Tax rolls are, at best, only a crude indicator of the overall size of urban populations. Scottish burghs were lightly taxed by comparison with their English counterparts: Aberdeen, the second or third largest town in Scotland, had only 445 taxpayers in 1448, which would have put it below such small English towns as Wells, Bridgnorth or Barking with taxpaying populations of about 900, yet coming fortieth or below in the league table of towns paying the lay subsidy Crooked Aberdeen: quarters Tax rolls may also be used, as here, to compare the economic structure both of different towns and of different parts of a town. The pyramid of wealth for Aberdeen is quite differently shaped from that for Edinburgh, reflecting Aberdeen's proportionately smaller number of craftsmen and All Aberdeen Futty of 1377. So comparisons with English towns on this basis are unsound, as are attempts to use English multipliers to produce an overall population figure for Scottish towns. But comparisons of numbers of taxpayers can be used to give a rough indication of the growth of a burgh or to compare the different sizes of towns -Aberdeen had 445 taxpayers in 1448,553 in 1608 and 569 in 1637; Edinburgh had 1,245 in 1583, 1,152 in 1605 and 1,548 in 1637. 1448 Castle Hill 1637 Numbers taxed in each quarter Edinburgh's greater extremes ofwealth and poverty. Aberdeen, like most Scottish towns, did not have agenuine poor quarter but there was a greater concentration ofcraftsmen in the Green; the top 10% oftaxpayers owned 38% of wealth. Green Crooked Even % of taxpayers % of taxpayers 0.4 0.8 %of 0.9 0.0 % of taxpayers % of taxpayers taxpayen 0.4 0.8 1.0 1.1 0.7 0.4 1.6 1.0 0.0 0.7 0.7 0.8 1.0 0.6 1.4 0.4 0.0 0.0 1.1 0.0 0.5 0.0 1.0 1.1 0.7 2.7 0.0 3.5 2.0 Aberdeen: quarters Social structure of burgh tax assessments, Aberdeen 1608 ML 316
medieval-atlas/economic-development/317 Burgh tax assessments: Aberdeen and Edinburgh In Edinburgh the crafts until 1583 paid a fixed 20% of taxation and their distinctive structure was not unlike that of the poorest of the burgh's quarters, the south-east. Their own pyramid also reflects the numbers within the new craft aristocracy, of tailors, goldsmiths and the like. Yet for Edinburgh tax statistics are distinctly misleading because lawyers escaped taxation. A measure of their wealth can be gleaned from an unusual contribution list of 1565 which included 31 ofthem; by the time ofthe poll tax of 1694 the lawyers paid more than all the burgh's merchants and craftsmen put together. ~ection Trinity or House Nor' Loch College Kirk SI. Paul's work North-west Canongate Castle North-east Tolbooth St G~ile;s~:F~::::tIT9!~~~~~::::::q~§~~== Parliament lj Tron Kirk House Cow ate Edinburgh: quarters In the capital the top 10% owned a remarkable 56% of the burgh's wealth. Here, there was a much sharper contrast between the four quarters: the north-west, which included the north side of the Lawnmarket, had a marked concentration of wealth within it; the Edinburgh tax assessments 1565 South-east St. Leonards Numbers taxed in each quarter 1583 south-east, below and to the east of St. Giles', had already by far the largest numbers as well as the greatest proportion of poor. The two southern quarters would be the area which would experience the largest increases in population over the next fifty years and in 1635 have some of the lowest average rents. Taxpayers Tax assessment % 10.0+ 9.0 6.0 5.0 4.0 3.0 2.5 2.0 1.5 1.0 0.75 0.50 0.25 Average All Edinburgh r~1of taxpayers 1.2 1.3 1.0 1.3 2.3 3.3 3.2 North-west % 2.8 North-east 01< 3.~ South-west % ~ 1.3 South-east O.~o 0.0 1.9 0.0 0.3 0.0 0.0 0.2 0.3 Edinburgh 2.8 1.4 1.0 0.6 craftsmen 1.2 1.9 0.8 0.6 3.9 0.9 0.8 0.3 0.8 2.4 2.3 2.2 1.7 0.8 4.3 2.0 2.2 Social structure of burgh tax assessments, Edinburgh 1583 ML 317
medieval-atlas/economic-development/318 Valued rents of burghs 1639 Conventional tax assessments, which reflect a number of different indicators of burgh performance and income, are not an accurate guide to urban populations. Avalued rent roll of 1639 is likely to be a better guide to size, at least of medium-sized and smaller towns. It suggests that, for example, Elgin, Inverness, Lauder and Rothesay were all rather larger than their tax assessments suggest. Corre 130 P.,_~
medieval-atlas/economic-development/319 Valued rents ofburghs 1639 The valued rents of 1639 can be compared with the conventional tax assessments made in 1635. As might be expected, small but highly active ports, like Wigtown (but not Dunbar) and all those of southeast Fife, were taxed more highly than they were rated for rents. The same was true of small but bustling market towns like Jedburgh, Piltenweem Anstruther W Detail of South-east Fife Selkirk, Cupar and Lanark. The most intriguing contrast is for Glasgow, rated well above Dundee and Perth, but still in 1635 only taxed on a par with Perth; this suggests that its rise in the seventeenth century was initially triggered mainly by population growth, which after 1650 would come to be matched by economic expansion on all fronts. all!) 00 CD cIl~ al_ CIlC CIlal
medieval-atlas/economic-development/320 Valued rents ofburghs 1639 Approximate population Edinburgh Aberdeen Glasgow Dundee South Leith StAndrews Dumfries Perth Inverness Montrose Canongate 4,000 Ayr Stirling Haddington Irvine Elgin 3,000 Kirkcaldy ~:~~i~:~: ~:~:~:~:~:~:~:~:~;M~;: Linlithgow ::::::::::::::::4.00():;: ......... pp~- Kirkcudbright ~~:~~{0 2,000 Dumbarton ;:;:;:;:;:3:'iS9:;:; ~:......-:.~ Banff BS~:~~?:+ Cupar ~~,~~7~ Lauder ~:~:.:4:~:; Rothesay ~~:~:~:~:S \,500 Forfar R:~;.~.~}.~ Tain ~3).~.?; Dunbar ~~)~:~:;; Brechin ~V.19.;; Culross p~;~.~.?; Dysart ~~:~:~~::;; Arbroath ~.~.§~~8 Dunfermline ~~:.996:;': 1,000 Renfrew (;:;:;:;: 1.667 ~:::~s :~.;~.;~.;:.:;:.';~. ~::~~ Rutherglen ~1.340 Anstruther /;;;;;;;; 1.333 Cullen I~;/~) 1.333 Jedburgh I':':':':':' 1.333 Kinghorn (;:;:;:;: 1.299 Crail /:;:;:;:; 1.253 750 Inverkeithing /« 1.200 Forres 2,;0 1.133 Dingwall ~1.067 Pittenweem 8 1.067 Selkirk r4 1.000 500 Stranraer ::::: 883 Nairn t+. 673 Anstruther ~667 Wigtown ::::: 400 Kilrenny Dornoch ~:~ 5 10 (Annan) (Lochmaben) (New Galloway) (North Berwick) (Sanquhar) (Whithorn) (000) 15 20 25 There are only stray indications of the size of Scottish towns before the poll and hearth taxes of the 1690s, except for an unusual tax levied by the Covenanting regime in 1639 on the basis of valued rent. This is likely to be a more accurate reflection of size than tax rolls, where they exist. It also has the advantage of including six baronial burghs, not subject as yet to conventional taxation -three of them, Edinburgh's satellites of Canongate, North and South Leith, were large enough to figure in the top twenty, giving a combined total for greater Edinburgh of 39% of the tax . Edinburgh's rent levels were exceptional, as probably were those of Aberdeen. Yet the size of Glasgow, assessed above Dundee and at twice the rental of Perth, although they paid the same in conventional taxation, is striking. The table can give only a rough notion of population and is better at indicating groups of towns of similar size. Outside larger burghs, levels ofrent ranged between £4 and £8 according to reports made in the 1690s. The example of Dunfermline, known to have had 287 households in 1624 and a valued rent of£2,000 in 1639, suggests £7 per annum as a figure for average rent. On this basis, the 1639 list suggests only nine outside greater Edinburgh had over £7,000 in valued rent and a population above 4,000. The distinct lack of medium-sized towns of 2,000 to 4,000 (and rent from £3,333 to £6,666) is clear and three of the nine lay within twenty miles of Edinburgh. Below this there was a steep fall in rental, with only a dozen towns, ranging from Banff to Renfrew, with likely populations between 1,600 and 1,000. The remaining nineteen, from Lanark to Domoch (three of them burghs of barony) were probably under 1,000. Perth Royal burghs Stranraer Burghs of barony (Whithorn) No returns Ranking of valued rents of burghs 1639 320
medieval-atlas/economic-development/321 Hearth tax 1691 Number of hearths 000 Approximate o 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 12 populatiqlld' b h t m urg ':::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::;:::::::::::::::::::':::::::::::::::::::~::::::::::::::::::;::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::':::::::::::::::::::'::::::::::::::::idi25:( {::'::::::::::::::::::;:I :.:.:.:.:.:.:.:.:.:.:.:.:.:.:.:.:.:.:.:.:.:.:.:.:.:.:.:':':':3'6'8'5':111 200 1@D42@D47 Glasgow .................................................................. + Barony parish ::::::::JeKJ CID Aberdeen + :::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::2~~~::1~ freedom lands Dundee ::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::~~~1: South Leith :::::::::::::::::)$W: [ill] GD Canongate ::::::::::::::::::X54S:: [ill] 48 4,000 Ayr :::::::::::::1)98: [ill] StAndrews ::::::::::))j~: Inverness 'territory' ::::::::::)P99: ODGD Stirling ::::::::::):>:6:5: om@D Montrose :::::::::1'021: Kirkcaldy P :::::::::ioos; Perth :::::::::::9~~: Dumfries :::::::::i:iS'Z Linlithgow :::::}~~~: [illCID 3,000 Dalkeith CID Dysart P Hamilton P Kelso P The hearth tax, authorised by parliament in 1690 to pay for armies to Bo'ness fight the J acobites, levied a standard charge of14 shillings (70 pence) Irvine P on each hearth in a household. Scotland was divided up into thirty Cupar six districts, usually based on the shire but sometimes the presbytery. 2,000 Brechin P Lists survive, although generally of varying quality, for most of Forfar P lowland Scotland; they give the number of households and hearths, the names ofhouseholders, including those whose tax was unpaid or 'deficient' and also, at times, 'the poor', who were exempt. Direct Greenock Jedburgh translation of either numbers of hearths or of households into total North Leith population is difficult, as towns would, on average, have more Paisley hearths per household than rural areas and larger towns more than Burntisland P those of smaller: thus Dumfriesshire's rural parishes might roughly be estimated by using a multiplier of 4.8 on the number of hearths, Lanark whereas for Dumfries itself a figure of 3.8 would be more appropri Dunfermline ate, and for Edinburgh under 3.0. Also, returns for newer and some Kinghorn P other towns may well include the landward part of the parish and Crail P exaggerate their size; these are indicated by 'P'. The curving league Banff table, however, maybe compared with those produced by using other Alloa kinds of taxes in the seventeenth century. Arbroath P Peebles Selkirk 1,000 North Berwick P Dumbarton Inverkeithing Pittenweem P Renfrew P Kinross Wigtown Kilrenny P 'Deficient' (= unpaid) Hawick -:. 232 750 Elgin ::: 228 'Poor' (= exempt) South Queensferry P 247[JI] G:> Values too small to register on graph Anstruther E. P t]220 r::::::1 Approximate value Rutherglen 196[K) ~ ~ Forres Royal burghs Kelso Non royal burghs ~:::y ~:: Kirkcudbright P Parishes rather than burghs ~fso 500 Lauder :: 150 Cullen :: 147 Nairn :: 140 Whithorn :: 120 Anstruther W. 110 Stranraer 100 ML Ranking of hearth tax of burghs and parishes 1691 Campbeltown 93 Inveraray 57 New Galloway 41 CD 321
medieval-atlas/economic-development/322 Hearth tax 1691 15000 10000 Edinburgh + freedom lands !Ill 5000 G.~J + Barony parish 11 Canongate with townside Number of paid hearths 1691 ML 322
medieval-atlas/economic-development/323 Hearth tax 1691 The hearth tax can also be used to analyse the structure of urban towns, or between different parts of the same town. The differences society. The proportion of single hearths may be used to comin the upper layers of the pyramid of wealth would be indicated by pare the numbers living in single-hearth houses in different variations in the proportion of multiple hearths. o Palace Linlithgow Loch South -west West Port Linlithgow quarters D"mf';e, q"rte" ):~ m: Dumfries linlithgow 1 2 3 4 5+ 12345+ Number of hearths Number of hearths Cross North-east 1 2 3 4 5+ 1 2 3 4 5+ Number of hearths Number of hearths Kirkgate North-west L L 1 2 3 4 5+ 1 2 3 4 5+ Number of hearths Number of hearths 100 Townhead South-west L % 1 2 3 4 5+ 1 2 3 4 5+ Number of hearths Number of hearths 25 Lochmaben South-east 1 2 3 4 5+ Percentage of single and multiple hearths 1 2 3 4 5+ Number of hearths Number of hearths in Dumfries and Linlithgow 1691 323
medieval-atlas/economic-development/324 Poll tax 1694 The 1694 poll tax was imposed by act ofParliament on 29 May 1693 in order to raise money for the armed forces and Edinburgh Town Council decreed on 15 August 1694 that all householders were required to 'give up their names, qualities, degrees and value of their estates with a full and true list under their hand oftheir whole servants apprentices and residents within their families ... '. This information was required in order to determine the tax due from each household, but had the added virtue of providing a detailed account of Edin burgh's taxable households. Overall, the poll tax data, though incomplete, provide the only available information on household structure and distribution in late seventeenth-century Edinburgh. The main features ofnote are that large multi-generation households were not common, and household composition varied from the inner (1642) 2076 Persons 2673 2700 (2232) (888) Records incomplete to the outer areas of the town, notwithstanding the compact geographical nature of pre-New Town Edinburgh. Although the unknown, but probably large number of 'poor' were exempt and despite the eroded condition ofseveral lists, the poll tax provides a valuable survey ofboth overall population and individual household structure. The lists for 'greater' Edinburgh comprise the seven inner parishes -College Kirk, Greyfriars, Lady Yester, New Kirk, Old Kirk, Tolbooth, Tron -together with Canongate, North and South Leith and the sprawling West Kirk parish. In all, some 20,600 inhabitants are detailed, from 5,514 households. The Figure below shows population by parish. Some 13,612 (66%) ofthe inhabitants were crowded into the 7 inner parishes, emphasising the congested nature of old town life. 1849 Total population 20,600 2306 (824) 1898 2619 1593 New Kirk North Leith College Kirk (888)Tolbooth South Leith Old Kirk Tron Canongate Greyfriars o West Kirk LadyYester Population of Edinburgh from poll tax, by parish The bar-charts below indicates the number of households in each tions did not require children in some taxation categories to be parish and average household size. The average forthose households listed), although some households were mainly in the central parknown to be complete is included for the inner parishes (the regula-ishes, with fewer in the more rural outskirts. ~ 11 900 North Leith 800 700 600 Tolbooth College Kirk 500 5 400 4 Greyfriars Tron Sout Leith 300 3 200 2 Old Kirk 100 Canongate o o o West Kirk Lady Yester Number of households and average size households in Edinburgh 1694 324
medieval-atlas/economic-development/325 Poll tax 1694 The bar-charts illustrate household structure, which varied markedly Kirk households consisted of married couples only, compared with 30% in the different parishes. The highest percentages of children and in New Kirk and an overall average of 40%. The percentages of 'others', servants were in the central parishes, while over 60% of the West that is, lodgers and resident kin, although small, were also higher in the inner areas. _..~ r:t0 ,,#' 0~ ~0 il>0~ "-~ 0
medieval-atlas/economic-development/326 Prices and wages The fiars 'struck' each Candlemas by the sheriff courts provide an unparallelled series of seventeenth-and eighteenth-century grain prices. Established by ajury oflandowners, farmers and merchants, these referred to, and took the date of, the preceding year's crop. Their purpose was to regulate the settlement of debts, the conversion of rents in kind to cash, and the discharge of any other payments Scots shillings per boil Oatmeal 100 1550 1570 1590 1610 1710 years Scots shillings per boil 200 Bear 100 1550 1570 1590 1610 1630 1710 years based upon that crop. Surviving fiars seldom pre-date the 1620s, although isolated examples from a number of counties show that they were being struck as early as the mid-sixteenth century. Only for Fife is there to be found anything approaching an unbroken series charting the movement of grain prices during the second half of the sixteenth century. 1650 1670 1690 Fiars for oatmeal and bear, Fife Carefully regulated markets were one ofthe earliest features of Scottish burgh organisation. The quality and price of a great many goods and services were subject. to intermittent legislation as burgh officials strove to protect jealously guarded privileges and counter the medieval crimes of forestalling and regrating. Wheat bread, ale and tallow were of particular concern and were subject to annual price statutes for much of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. These ostensibly set prices on the basis of the cost of the raw materials from which they were made; a process most explicit in the case of wheat bread. Tables were produced allowing burgh officials, after having established the price at which wheat was commonly sold, to read off the price at which wheat bread should be sold. Such tables were in use as early as the twelfth century and find counterparts in England and Ireland. The same prin~ ciple was used to fix the price of ale and, in Aberdeen at least, was probably also used to set the price of tallow. It is for Edinburgh and Glasgow that the most complete series are available. Predating the emergence ofregular fiars prices, these burgh statutes are invaluable as the only major price series covering the sixteenth-century price revolution. They do, however, demand some care as it is uncertain how strictly they were adhered to or to what extent they were subject to political influence. AGi 326
medieval-atlas/economic-development/327 Prices and wages Scots pence per Scots ounce Wheat bread Scots pence per Scots ounce Statute prices, Edinhmgh town coumcil, 1500 to 1700 Scots pence per Scots ounce Wheat bread 0.0 ~---.----.- 6101550 1750 years Scots shillings per Scots stone Tallow 1610 1750 years AGi Statute prices, Glasgow town council, 1550 to 1750 327
medieval-atlas/economic-development/328 Prices and wages As individual building projects were generally of short duration, it teenth centuries it appears that wages were increased, first by addiis only in accounts of the crown and the principal Scottish burghs tional payments for drink and for specific tasks and only later as an that long-term series oflabourers' wage-rates are to be found. These increase in basic wage-rates. Thus although the general trend is accounts vary greatly in quality and attempting to determine an 'anunquestionable, its precise timing may reflect the method by which nual wage-rate' is fraught with difficulties. Whether or not food these annual wage-rates have been determined. and/or drink was provided and the nature of the work being underThe Edinburgh series is based upon accounts of the Town taken could both affect level of wages. Council and of the Masters of Work relative to Edinburgh. The The guiding principle has been to determine the maximum Aberdeen series is based upon wage rates recorded in the Kirk and wage-rate commonly paid during the summer season to labourers Bridge Work Accounts as well as the annual wage-maxima ·set by who received nothing extra in the way of food. The only problem the Town Council throughout much of the second half of the sevenwith this method is that during the late sixteenth and early seven-teenth century. 8.0 >. "0 '" EdinburghW 8V> 4.0 (J) (J) 4.0
medieval-atlas/economic-development/329 329
medieval-atlas/the-church/330 The church • -f + • Early Christianity The distinctive memorial stones ofGalloway and the Borders, many may be documented by cemeteries containing graves without gravewith inscriptions and clearly akin to those of Wales, show that from goods, oriented east-west, the bodies extended and enclosed in ro.ugh the fifth century an episcopally organised church spread through stone coffins. One such cemetery is associated with a memorial stone southern Scotland, though doubtless much disrupted by Anglian (Kirkl iston south of Abercorn), but in general the dates of burials are settlements from the sixth century, a disruption which may explain inferred not proved. The extension of Christianity from Lothian to why the memorial stones (and Ecles names) have an upland Fife which the distribution suggests agrees with one scrap of literary distribution, the early Anglian settlement being stronger on the coast evidence: a visit by Cuthbert from Northumbria to the Picts in Fife. and in the Tweed Valley. Nonetheless when the Angles became Other sculpture of early date, including, some of Anglian Christian after 633 they supported monasteries at Coldingham and character, is difficult to date, but is generally later than the British Melrose and a see at Abercorn, whose Celtic names suggest that they memorial stones. Such other sculpture is indicated on the map only took over British religious establishments there. The low Latin word for the southern area (including Dunbartonshire). The equivalent for a church, Eclesia, entered British as Ecles and also entered northern sculpture, and the main index of Pictish Christianity must Pictish. It has left a scatter of place-names which suggest British be the Class nsymbol stones with their elaborate relief crosses (see influence on early Christianity in southern Pictland. Pictish Monuments). There is little evidence to support Bede's claim The spread ofChristianity in the period ofAnglian expansion that St Columba converted the northern Picts, and early Columban / J~"M"';,~~;Ii:;:::;;~~f '"Y) ''""'' "" "~d Wheen (Eglishmaquhen), ~_ Agilsmochen), Inglismaldie . \ "'If . Egilyeul Langley Park (Eglisjohn) ~....Ecclesgreig ~(EgleSglrg) Egglespe~e~ ) ~ ~_ Eglismonichto Clashbenny (Ecclesdovenavin, • Ecglisbanyn) -'\ . ~Exmagirdle -,-Eglesnamin ~ • ~ • ·Eglismart;~~~smund ~~"'-. Gleneagles ~.......-'"\. / St Nimans . Ec;Jesmahne (Eccles) ~ • _......J _ ,I ..~Inchmartln (E lismarten) Falklrk (Egglesbrech) • e6. Abercorn -+ Ecclesmachin or -f + • Coludesburh (Coldingham) Glasgow~nChmaChan --·E I .. -ag escalrme Eaglesham • • + _Carluke (Englismalessok) Luel (Carlisle) Episcopal seat Monastery Early British sculpture Long-cist cemetery kms o 25 50 75 100 , ,, , , , , Sculpture of early date (probably 7-9th centuries) I o 10 20 30 40 50 60 Place-names in ec/es miles Early Christianity: Pictish and Anglian AAMD 330
medieval-atlas/the-church/331 Early Christianity The pilgrimage of Columba to Iona in 563 extended Irish church discipline and fervour to Scotland. Columba had a number ofsmaller monasteries on Tiree beside Lochawe, and an important one on Hinba (unidentified). He also founded Durrow in Offaly County in Ireland. In 633 Iona monks's went to Lindisfarne, whence Christianity spread through much of England. When Lindisfarne chose in 663 to follow the practices of 'St Peter' and reject those of Columba, the dissenters returned to Iona and thence to Inishbofin and Mayo in western Ireland and from these places new missions to Frisia and elsewhere on the Continent emerged. But there were other, less well recorded Irish pilgrimages, of St Maelrubha to Applecross, of St Moluag to Lismore and of St Donnan to Eigg, the last a hermitage (probably like the remains on Eileach an Naoimh) but later an anchoritical monastery. The spread of Christianity from Ireland can be measured by the monasteries these men founded. Another measure may be the distribution of simple incised crosses on stones often in graveyards, which seem to mark Christian burials in areas influenced by Irish Christianity. The concentration in mid-Argyll and the Inner Hebrides is to be expected, but there is no literary evidence of Irish influence to lead us to expect those in Galloway and Man. The scattered far northern examples fit with the tradition of Irish peregrinating monks who left their traces in names like Pabbay (Priest's Isle). Such Norse names must have ousted any earlier Gaelic name. The complementary distribution-map for names containing cill 'church' or t1
medieval-atlas/the-church/332 Early Christianity 'Annat' comes from a Latin word itself a shortening of antiquitas, antiquity and seems to have been borrowed into Irish to mean the mother-church of a paruchia (that is a group of scattered monastic houses acknowledging a particular head). In Scotland where it is much more frequent than in Ireland, the distribution shows that it does not have this meaning. It is found in a few cases associated with an old graveyard, once with traces of a church building. Very rarely these Annat sites have a known dedication. Most Annats however are within one or two kilometres of, but not at, a church site, and it has been suggested that they represent the old (or former site of the) church. Although the word is Gaelic, it is thinly represented in Argyll, and it has been suggested that therefore it is later than the early phase of Christianising; it could represent dislocation caused by the Viking raids and settlements. This fits the Western Isles distribution, but not the eastern examples. Annat might therefore represent a very early graveyard, perhaps pre-Christian, abandoned gradually when an early church site was established, and in that case would belong to the seventh or eighth centuries. @ Annat names • Names including Annat eg Ach na hAnnaide, Annat Cottage Names including Annat near or a kms 0 25 50 75 100 cemetery or church site. I Doubtful names with Annat. 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles MMD Early Christianity: place-names containing annat in Scotland 332
medieval-atlas/the-church/333 The post-Viking church This map shows centres for which there is documentary evidence, his endowment (e.g. Edzell, a possession of the abbot of Brechin). often from a much later period, of the existence of a community of The large parishes in southern Scotland mapped here are probably clerics with characteristics which suggest that they existed before the only a haphazard selection, mentioned in written records, of those twelfth century. Some are Culdees and probably monastic; others which existed by this date; these were minsters or small colleges of have abbots and may have been monastic. Then there are thirteenthclerics, and something similar to them existed at Deer, Clova, century families which claim the title 'abbot of X', from which we Methven, Dunblane and doubtless elsewhere north of the Forth. may deduce that the abbot ofa community elsewhere possessed X as o "-Edzell A ~A C+.....~ ,t-"~cclesgreig '_Br~ln .!!> A / .", • Abirlot '" C ..J A #,Q. + Monilleth Methve .~.~ Muthll -f ~. j:;t Andrews C Inchaffray Abernethy C+' - Dunblane . Locn"leven ~~a IrkJ TYnlnghame o Possessions 01 St Cuthbert possibly with a monastic presence. + Monastery or college 01 clerics attested or very probable. C 'Culdees' attested +A Monastery and abbot attested () .A Abbot only attested 0 kms 25 50 7.5 100 ! , ,, , 1!1 Large parish with mother church or minster Ii-.....,,....;:L...-,,..----;;L-.....,,..-...;..,,..----... o 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles AAMD The post-Viking church: major centres before 1100 333
medieval-atlas/the-church/334 The post-Viking Church Sculptured stones in southern Scotland in the post-Viking period (which may be seen as complementary to the Class II and Class III sculptured stones in the Pictish area indicated above are as difficult to date as is earlier sculpture. This map represents most of the known sculptures probably datable about 850 to about 1200 found in southern Scotland i.e. within Strathclyde and Lothian to the south of the boundary with Dalriada to the north-west and Pictland to the northeast. (Sculptures in northern England are not shown.) Some are found at old ecclesiastical centres such as Abercorn, Aberlady, Hoddom and show the influence of Anglian sculpture as well as later forms, notably hog-backed sepulchral stones. The finest collection of these hog-backed post-Viking sculptures is at Govan. The concentrations suggest that there are flourishing ecclesiastical centres on Bute, on the lower Clyde, in Galloway and in Nithsdale, most probably at Kingarth, Glasgow, Whithorn and Hoddom respectively -though Glasgow itself has only recently (1994) produced an early cross head, not mapped here. However these sculptures are predominantly sepulchral and their fewness in the east probably shows a different fashion in commemoration of the dead rather than a less-developed ecclesiastical organisation. In the Tweed valley at the H irsel near Coldstream have been found the only remains of an early proprietary church known in Scotland. kms 0 25 50 75 100 • Sculpture I I I I I I I I I I I + Proprietary church 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles The post-Viking Church: sculptured stones in southern Scotland AAMD 334
medieval-atlas/the-church/335 The post-Viking church By the time of Malcolm III (1055-93) there were a number of territorial bishoprics in the Scottish church, and each bishop would have his own church with one or two clergy there. But the evidence for the existence of all except St Andrews is from the twelfth century or even later. There was a bishop in Strathearn, but we are not sure that his seat was at Dunblane. Similarly there was a bishop in Skye, but his seat at Snizort is uncertain. This bishop appears to have replaced earljer bishops associated with Iona; it is not known how he related to the bishop of Man, whose seat was possibly at Maughold on the £} Maughold Peel east coast, but from about 1000, perhaps, on St Patrick's Isle, Peel off the west coast. There is a gap in the known succession of bishops at Whithorn after the early ninth century until the 1220s. In addition to the bishops shown there may have been a bishop for Moray with a seat near Elgin. And finally the bishop at Chester-IeStreet (Durham from 995) who possessed the relics of St Cuthbert had not abandoned his claim to be pastor in Lothian and Tweeddale even though these djstricts had effectively passed to the bishops of St Andrews and Glasgow respectively. ~' Che\, le Street kms 0 I 25, 50,, 75, , 100 miles The post -Viking church: bishops' seats AAMD 335
medieval-atlas/the-church/336 Ecclesiastical organisation about 1300 The date about 1300 has been chosen for this general map and for the maps showing the parishes of each diocese because as a result of the collection of taxes from the clergy ordered by popes in 1274 and 1291 records survive which provide the earliest known (if incomplete) description of the divisions of the Scottish church. Since the twelfth century a continuous series of bishops can be traced in the thirteen dioceses which by then had come to be permanently established within the area covered by modem Scotland. Ten of these on the mainland formed what was recognised by the papacy as the ecclesia Scoricana, forming a distinct unit directly under Rome, the equivalent for most purposes of an ecclesiastical province , but most unusually without anyone of the ten bishops recognised as the superior of the others as archbishop and metropolitan. The three outlying dioceses each had a different status. Galloway was part of the lcingdom of Scotland and was treated as part of the Scottish church for papal taxation purposes; but its bishops at this date recognised the superior metropolitan authority of the archbishop of York, and were to do so untjJ 1355. Sodor had been part of the lcingdom of Norway until 1266, and had since the mid-twelfth century recogrused the archbishop ofTrondheim as metropolitan. It now lay within the lcingdom of Scotland, and like Galloway was taxed with the Scottish church, though its bishops still took some part in Norwegian affairs. Orkney was quite different. It was in no sense part of Scotland; it was still part of the Norwegian kingdom and of the Trondheim church province. The boundaries of all these dioceses had become clear-cut and unchanging in the course of the twelfth century. This had necessarily followed the enforcement by royal authority of the payment of teind, which had led fLrst to the definition of parish boundaries and then to diocesan boundaries. But no contemporary evidence survives which makes it possible to map these boundaries with exactitude. No doubt many boundaries followed obvious natural features on the ground, and very many of them remained the same throughout the centuries, so that a large proportion of postReformation boundaries indicated in maps of later date below may well have been the same as they had been about 1300. But here the boundaries are only roughly delineated for lack ofspecific evidence. Rather more exactitude is found in the detailed maps of each diocese at this date which follow. Unlike England where dioceses were invariably named after the place where the bishop had his seat (that is his see), more than half of these dioceses were usually named after a pre-existent secular unit of lordship or provincial government. This applied to Orkney and Sodor in the Norwegian lcingdom, to Caithness, Ross, Moray, Argyll and Galloway (though in the last two cases the names of the cathedral sites Lismore and Whithorn were sometimes applied to the dioceses also). In the northern dioceses at any rate bishops had found it useful or necessary to move their sees within their dioceses. The see of Orkney was moved from Birsay to Kirkwall in the mid-twelfth century. About the same time the see of Caithness was being established probably at HaJkjrk irutially; but it was moved south to Dornoch in the 1230s as part of a deliberate policy of associating this diocese more with Scotland than with Orkney. In the early twelfth century too the see at Mortlach which had apparently served much of the area to the south of the Moray Firth was moved to a site near the new royal castle and administrative centre at Aberdeen. The bishopric of Moray emerges about the same time, but had no settled see for perhaps a hundred years; instead the bishop resided at any of Birnie, Kinneddar or Spynie at his choice, and only in the I 220s did royal endowment make possible the building of a cathedral at the royal administrative centre at Elgin. The move of the see of Ross from Rosemarkie to Fortrose in the early thirteenth century was simply to a new site within the same parish. The old episcopal seats of Glasgow, St Andrews, Dunblane, Dunkeld and Brechin had retained respect and authority. The first two were the centres of the wealthiest and most influential of the Scottish bishops, with their dioceses in each case by this date were sub-divided into two archdeaconries. (Orkney was probably similarly divided, but all the other bishoprics supported only one archdeacon.) While the diocese of Glasgow was a coherent geographical area with a simple boundary, the other four in this group were notable for the complexity of their inter-relationships. Probably as a result of centuries-old loyalties dating back to missionary days, each of these bishops retained authority over parishes which were geographically detached from the main area of the diocese -indeed in the case of Brechin the whole diocese comprised parishes scattered throughout St Andrews diocese. The details can be studied in the parish maps which follow; here only the rough boundary between St Andrews on the one hand and Dunblane and Dunkeld on the other is shown. No attempt is made to delineate the boundaries of the Brechin parishes; but the convenient heading ' St Andrews with Brechin' must not be taken to suggest that the bishop of Brechin was in any way subordinate to the bishop of St Andrews. Administratively and juridically (if not economically) they were equals. Ecclesiastical organisation about 1520 The lcingdom of Scotland had by 1520 been consolidated within its modem boundaries, with Orkney and Shetland ceded by Norway in 1469 and Berwick finally lost to England and to Durham diocese in 1482. There had been changes in the three outlying dioceses. No bishop of Galloway after 1355 tendered his obedience to the archbishop of York, except during the Great Schism ofthe Papacy (13781419) when rival popes supported by Scotland and England respectively appointed rival bishops. In 1430 James I ordered that Galloway was to be regarded as a Scottish diocese. The effect of the Schism on Sodor diocese was more drastic; from 1387 onwards Peel cathedral and the Isle of Man were occupied by a series of bishops of Man loyal to England, while the northern part of this scattered diocese came to be permanently separated as the distinct Scottish diocese of The Isles, with the see certainly in the mid-fifteenth century at the old centre at Snizort on Skye (though it is not clear it ~asstill there about 1520). These two dioceses ofGalloway and The Isles gradually detached themselves under papal protection from meaningful obedience to York or Trondheim. Then came the association of Orkney with Scotland and a time for formal changes. In 1472 the bishop of St Andrews was promoted archbishop with metropolitan authority over the other twelve bishops of the Scottish kingdom of that date. Political unity now matched ecclesiastical unity. But this clear-cut situation did not last long. Some bishops were restive about it from the start. Then in 1492 the bishop ofGlasgow was also raised to the rank ofarchbishop with metropolitan status (though not with the extra status ofprimate which had been granted in 1487 to St Andrews). At first Glasgow was given four subordinate dioceses (Argyll, Galloway, Dunblane and Dunkeld) while St Andrews retained the rest; but Dunblane was transferred back to St Andrews in 1500 and Dunkeld likewise by 1515. This therefore was the situation in about 1520. The two archbishops were constantly jockeying for position, so providing a basic disunity in the Scottish church. Nonetheless between 1536 and 1559 the archbishop ofSt Andrews was to be able to use his powers as primate to assemble a number of provincial councils at which all thirteen dioceses of the kingdom were represented. The Scottish church was in a real sense still one despite its appearance on the map. DERW 336
medieval-atlas/the-church/337 Ecclesiastical organisation (BirSaYln ~~i ~rkWaJl \'1 ~ Orkney TRONDHE IM (NID A RO S o c::) SOdO~ St AndrewsV with Brechin ARMAGH Y ORK A R M A G-H Province Glasgow Diocese Teviotdale Archdeaconry Whithorn Cathedral City kms (Birniel Earlier Cathedral 0 25 , 75, , 1~ _ , sp, , Boundary of Province 20 40 60 miles The Scottish church about 1300 DERW 337
medieval-atlas/the-church/338 Ecclesiastical organisation • -• .. --~ .... (part of ........ Orkney) (;> The Isles St Andrews c;Pp with Brechin Metropolitan Cathedral served by secular clergy Metropolitan Cathedral served by regular clergy Diocesan Cathedral served by secular clergy Diocesan Cathedral served by regular clergy Boundary of Province Boundary of Diocese Boundary of Archdeaconry kms 0 I 25. , 5,0, 7.5 , 100 , The Scottish church about 1520 30 miles 60 DERW 338
medieval-atlas/the-church/339 The church in north-western Europe The map of the ecclesiastical provinces of north-western Europe puts larger than the Scottish ones; but in Italy (not shown) -particularly in the two Scottish provinces in their European context. Across Europe the Papal States and in Naples -there was a great concentration of there was a significant disparity of size in the provinces which arose much smaller provinces. for historical reasons. Many of the European provinces are very much o o kms 150 300 100 200 miles Venice /spalalO Ecclesiastical provinces in north·western Europe in the fifteenth century Arrouaise • • Premontre Some of the monastic and other orders -such as the (1120) Benedictines and the Franciscans -took their names from Paris their founder. Others took their name from the places • where they had originated or with which they had been • Val des Choux associated. The map plots these European centres with, in • Thiron (1109) some cases, their dates of foundation. It appears that there was no distinct order of Thiron, but that the Tironensian observance was an off-shoot of citeaux the Benedictine order. • (1098) The names of the orders or congration, with their place of origin are: . Cluny (910) Arrouaisian Arrouaise Carthusian Chartreuse Chartreuse Cistercian Citeaux • (1086) Cluniac Cluny Premonstratensian Premontre Tironensian Thiron Valliscaulian Val des Choux Monastic centres in Europe PGBM 339
medieval-atlas/the-church/340 Monastic orders Monasticism which followed in the footstep of the first Christian missionaries was apparently fLrst introduced into Scotland in the fifth century, but by the mid-eleventh century communities survived at best at Iona and possibly Turriff; elsewhere so-called monasteries approximated more closely to minsters consisting of secular clerks. The arrival in Scotland ofthe Saxon princess, Margaret, who in 10689 married Malcolm III (1057-93) paved the way for the introduction of monastic ism of the medieval type. To this end before 1089, Lanfranc, archbishop of Canterbury, at Queen Margaret's request, sent three Benedictine monks to Dunfermline where they established a priory. By this step the queen inaugurated a policy ofencouraging the establishment of monastic orders, a course of action which was to be developed by her three sons, Edgar, Alexander and David, who ruled between 1097 and 1153. During these years Augustinian canons, Tironensian and Cistercian monks, inspired directly or indirectly by reformed orders in France,joined the Benedictines. In addition to royal foundations, the Augustinian priory of St Andrews (1144) was established by the bishop of that see; and a house of Premonstratensians was founded at Dryburgh (1150) by Hugh de Morville. Royal generosity, however, endowed the earliest Scottish nunnery at Berwick upon Tweed (before 1153) and also introduced the military orders, the Knights Templars and the Hospitallers. David's foundations were widely distributed from the Borders to the Moray firth, from Lothian to Galloway. Succeeding rulers and magnates followed David's example and the existing orders continued to expand. Many foundations of these orders took place in outlying parts of the kingdom through the influence of local potentates. Successive lords of Galloway established Premonstratensians at Soulseat (by I 161) (and perhaps Whithom by 1175) as well as at Tongland and Cistercians at Glenluce (1191-2), while the Benedictine nunnery at Lincluden (by 1174) is said to have been founded by Uchtred, son of Fergus of Galloway. Again the Benedictine abbey (by 1203) and the Augustinian nunnery (by 1208) oflona and the Cistercian house of Saddell in Kintyre had as their founder Reginald son of Somerled, lord of the Isles. Waiter Fitzalan brought Cluniacs initially to Renfrew and then, to Paisley by 1169. Equally significantly the order of the Val des Choux (Vallis Caulium) was introduced in 1230 and established by the king at Pluscarden (1230-1). Contemporaneously two other Valliscaulian houses -Ardchattan and Beauly -were founded in isolated regions in the north and west of Scotland. / Coupar Angus.r----' jYArbroath Per BalmjinO ~Rh~~~ore~ ~Gadvanl ~O lsleOfMay Dunfermline ~ulross Renfrew~_ Paisley K·I·· ~-'"' ~ I winning ~Lesmahagow Mauchli: / r ~)Lt(:> Sweetheart Abbey So"a., ~ ~ ~ • Benedictine Monks Dissolved before 1560 0 D""Z" ~ "Order of Tiron ~ ~ I' Order of Cluny ~ o Cistercian Monks CD kmse Valliscaulian ~ o 25 50 75 100 Z Carthusian I o 10 20 30 40 50 60 Symbols in brackets indicate small or indefinite foundations miles Monastic orders and nunneries I IBC 340
medieval-atlas/the-church/341 Monastic orders In another innovatory move, the Trinitarians (sometimes misleadingly described as Red friars) were placed ( 1240-8) at Berwick and Dunbar. By this period, however, the age of major monastic foundations was almost over and effectively ended with the endowment in 1273 of the abbey at Sweetheart by Dervorguilla Balliol. If the Carthusians do not appear until 1429, only one ortwo smaller houses were otherwise still to be founded. The geographical distribution of these monasteries was uneven. Although they spread into the Hebrides, the great majority were situated in central and southern Scotland. Of the larger houses a number were located in Lothian and the proximity of the border, which was advantageous for economic development in time of peace, but precarious in days of war and invasion. These hazards were however surmountable, and the religious houses remained in reasonable shape until the end of the fifteenth century. By then, however, other forces were at work: for headships were increasingly bestowed upon members of the secular clergy who only entered the order after appointment; even this formality was widely ignored, and the opportunities for appointing secular commendators for life was facilitated by the indult of 1487 which allowed the crown within a period ofeight months to recommend candidates for papal provision, a faculty which was formally recognised as nomination. Thereafter, secularisation of monastic revenues continued apace; even without the Reformation many religious houses, of which only a handful retained their choir monks at their head, might have followed the small number which had been dissolved in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries and eventually disappeared. The events of 155960 not only hastened this process, but ensured its completeness. When the Reformation came, the commendators remained, but any pretensions to monastic status mattered little; and their virtual possession of monastic property counted for much as religious communities slowly died out. The annexation of the monasteries to the Crown in 1587, a quarter of a century after they had ceased to function , came as a belated measure, and its effect was restricted by the fact that by this date most of the monastic possessions had been alienated beyond recall. Only the formal erection of the monasteries in to temporal lordships remained to be achieved. ~MOnymUSk \ ~ -~Aberdeen ~~a;Yculter '\.:::1 ~LochTa ~ J J-j/ Scone Dundee E erth ~ Inchaffray . EIChO~A d ~Abernethy t n rews Inchmahome,,--Loch Leveno . Portmoak • . • " IS!Scotlandwell Ittenweem Cambuskenneth ---. ••• Aberdour~North Berwick 'rn~hDunbar !
medieval-atlas/the-church/342 Friaries Virtually half of Scotland's friaries, representing five orders, were founded in the last seventy years ofthe thirteenth century, the century which saw both the founding of the orders of friars and their remarkable growth. After the first era of enthusiasm, it seems, the fourteenth century saw very few foundations (some caution is necessary because many dates of foundation are not known). In the fifteenth century there seems to have been a renewed interest, just over hal f the new houses being accounted for by the reformed version of the Franciscans, the Observants, encouraged by royal patronage. The small number offoundations ofany order after 1500 suggests that enthusiasm was waning. The aim of the friars was to preach, and therefore friaries were almost always in centres of population -hence the concentration in the central belt and in the eastern coastal strip as far north as Inverness. With the exception of Kingussie, the Highlands and Islands had none. But this does not mean that individual friars were not seen in these areas, for they were highly mobile. Dominicans can be traced in the Hebrides in the thirteenth century, and served as bishops of Argyll for more than a century from 1264 onwards. \:1)] Perth ~ upar ~ ~.. + tirling nverkelthlng Luffness Glasgow ·.Haddin~ . Ed~bur9h Igto~~Berwlck upon Tweed +Dominican • Franciscan kms • Carmelite 0 2,5 50 75 100 ... Augustinian I ,, , , o Friars of the sack 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles NFS Friaries founded in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries 342
medieval-atlas/the-church/343 Friaries 1. Not listed with other Dominican houses in 1557. and so perhaps had already ceased to exist. • Dominican • Franciscan kms T Observant Franciscans 0 2.5 5p 75 100 I i i i i • Carmelite 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Friaries founded in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries NFS 343
medieval-atlas/the-church/344 Hospitals Few hospital foundations can be precisely dated, and so the first four maps are based on the first recorded date. The fifth map seeks to identify both hospitals which lasted for a reasonable time after 1560 (some have been excluded on the grounds that survival after 1560 was very brief), and those which were new foundations. Temporary foundations for outbreaks of plague have been omitted. The first map shows that, in general terms, Scotland was well provided with hospitals. There were some sixty by 1300, though they were heavily concentrated in the central belt, Lothian, Fife and the Borders. The absence of hospitals in the Highlands and Islands might be due to a different social system or simple lack ofevidence; but even the eastern coastal strip north of the Inverness area apparently lacked hospitals, and Galloway is surprisingly empty. Berwick was well provided with hospitals, but it was a major town, and different hospitals served different needs, such as those of the poor, the sick, lepers and travellers. The second map shows that the fourteenth century added relatively few hospitals, though it is not certain whether this reflects our lack of knowledge or is genuine evidence of fewer foundations. These hospitals seem largely to reinforce existing provision, except that Helmsdale and St Magnus extend it northwards. The next map seems to show that there was a greater interest in new foundations in the fifteenth century than in the fourteenth, though even in the fifteenth century precise dates of foundation are few. The fourth map shows a surprising number of hospitals first referred to in the sixty years before the Reformation, some of them certainly sixteenth-century foundations. Neither the fifteenth century nor the sixteenth saw any significant change in the geographical distribution of hospitals. The last map is different in purpose, and attempts to show which hospitals survived, often under the control of town councils, and which were new foundations between 1560 and 1707. This is a subject which requires further investigation: there are many uncertainties and problems, and this map is offered in the knowledge that it is likely to be very incomplete. Apart from Kirkwall, the hospitals of this period also do not extend the geographical area of provision. ,4 /l~Rathven Killearna~~t N~ch~,as'4 ?• NeWbUrgh Aberdeen Kincardine O'Neil BreC~in • Montrose Arbroath perth~C~~Portincraig Uthrogle~StAndrews (2) . ~och Leven-fortmoa Ardross v,/ Stirling. QueensfEjrry ( orth) North Berwick "~J~ Inverkeithln~allencne~Fortune Old Kiloatrick. P I d ' Edlnburgh~ ~' Houston ~\}~, 0 ma le :-eStC!ermalnS'e-0ld Cambus t;rookston.· Soutra Hutton Segden (?) Torrance. Lauder Duns. ~'):Berwick upon Tweed (5) • Legerwood~ .• Homdean Lanark Peebles. ., Harlaw (? Earlston •• ". Ednam - Rutherford Kelso . '. Jedburgn Rpxburgh (3) ? = site uncertain km. 25 50 75 100 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Hospitals first recorded before 1300 NFS 344
medieval-atlas/the-church/345 Hospitals ~ 0 ~pJ c!)~ ~~ \:1~ \:1~ ~(tf (J 0 0 f f I) I) Aberdeen Dundee Arbroath Roxburgh. ,.iNheel • HOIYWOOd/! -Trailtrow Hospitals first recorded in the fourteenth century Banff Aberdeen (2) • Dunkeld Methven•• Perth DUChray (0) • ittrllng Dunfermline 1 ( ·Gartocha~Le,~~~~~~:,',ck ellston Z:;orstorphine;J -.--. • Edinburgh Cockbumspath Glasgow (4) /~ Biggar Nenthorn • Fall • Falrnlngton,· '- Q> m7~""'" ~ Hospitals first recorded between 1500 and 1560 References occur only post 1560, but since it was dedicated to a saint, it seems to be pre-Reformation, It may well be much earlier in date than the 16th century, 2 First mentioned in 1563 .;'".- Balgownie • ;Arrat ~ . /' ") pert~~Dundee (3) Q /~KilmadO"k(?) ~ Stirling (3). Dunfermline Kinghorn ~ , ~etter." '-~ Dumbarton (2) Llnlith90W.(~~L:i~ Haddington (2)"'~''I ·Glasgow (2) ~• .' .'J "" (POllok ••• • Edinbur~h ,Lassw~de Dunglass mbuslang • ShOHS ) DalhousI. ~ IJ Hamilton .Carnwath / , •• .Peebles 2) ,.J Covlngton Biggar smailhilm·ttadden tfiQ Ayr (2) • Rulem'buth Hospitals first recorded in the fifteenth century ~ 0 ~all \:1~ , Rathv_en~enJ.2L-r ~(I :2). ;:--~ . -san!! "\ ~verness • Fochabers • Newbyth Boharm (3) Tarves J Pittodrie· • 7::rdeen (3:2) Brec~n4trose Dunkeld. .Balgow,J1ie Perth (2:1) Dundee .~Andrews Slir!i!lg DU~f~~,~:.Largo ,if (2:1). (1:1).Aberiio;:?~~~~ Berwick G l!!ito•n F ~~Leit!t
medieval-atlas/the-church/346 Collegiate churches By the late thirteenth century most of the Scottish cathedrals had been provided with a chapter (capitulum) in the form of a selfgoverning corporate body ofclergy under a dean. The map shows the sites of forty-six other churches where in the late Middle Ages similar corporate groups of from three to more than thirty clergy came to be established with similar corporate rights. Each group was said to form a college (collegium) -hence the term collegiate church usually underthe presidency ofa provost (prepositus), a term which implied responsibility for financial management. Three ofthese colleges were founded before 1400 by the re-allocation of old endowments; at least twelve followed before 1450 and another eleven by 1500. In 1501 came the grandest of all, the new Chapel Royal in Stirling Castle, followed by nearly twenty more foundations until as late as the 1540s. The main function of ~ " ~r: ~\j' Collegiate churches founded before 1400 . ~
medieval-atlas/the-church/347 Parish churches about 1300 This series of maps presents an attempt to identify the sites of every parish church in Scotland, Orkney and Shetland in aboull300. This date has been chose mainly for the same reason given above for selecting it as the date to show the boundaries of ecclesiastical organisation. The existence of perhaps two-thirds of the total is demonstrated by the mention of these parishes as paying papal taxes in the decades just before 1300; but the relevant records (the most famous of which goes by the name of 'Bagimond's Roll') are incomplete. There are at least minor gaps for every diocese, and no records at all survive for the dioceses of Argyll, Sodor and Orkney, nor for the half of Glasgow diocese comprising the Archdeaconry of Glasgow. For Moray, Aberdeen, St Andrews and Brechin these financial records can be supplemented by parish valuation lists which survive in several monastic cartularies from a rather earlier thirteenth-century date. Where precise evidence of this contemporary kind does not exist, it is a question of reading back from late records. This usually demands some reasonable guesswork, and it is not pretended that the existence of every parish mapped here can definitely be proved. But in every case there is reasonable certainty. Parish boundaries are not attempted for reasons explained above; instead the attempt has been made to identify the oldest-known site of the parish church in each case. The boundaries which have been drawn are schematic rather than precise, indicating the limits ofeach diocese, o'fthe archdeaconries within St Andrews, Glasgow and Orkney dioceses, and of the subordinate deaneries (groups of parishes underthe authority ofone of the parish clergy as dean of Christianity) within the archdeaconries. There is certain contemporary evidence for these last ·administrative and jurisdictional units in the dioceses of Galloway, Glasgow, St Andrews, Aberdeen and Moray by this date, and it is usually clear which parishes belonged to each. Exceptionally we know that deaneries existed in Argyll diocese, but no allocation of parishes to deaneries is available. By 1300 it appears that the whole country had come to be divided in parishes. This had been a gradual process over the previous two centuries; now each defined area was the spiritual responsibility of the benefice-holder, who could be an individual parish priest as rector or parson, or alternatively a religious corporation such as a monastery or cathedral chapter (in which case the parish was said to have been appropriated to the use of such a corporation -as is shown in later maps). In either situation the liturgical and pastoral work might be performed by priests who were deputies of the official benefice-holder, whether with the status of vicar or ofchaplain. The parish was now the basic unit of ecclesiastical administration, finance and discipline. In large parishes subordinate chapels were often built for the convenience of parishioners; but everyone owed an over-riding duty to the parish church itself. Hence the interest in identifying the sites of these churches. Many lessons for local history can be learned from their geographical distribution; there must be a specific reason behind the siting ofeach one. It is not surprising that arrangement in the Norwegian dioceses of Orkney and Sodor were rather different. Parishes had been developed there over the same period as in Scotland, but there are indications that, in accordance with the practice ofthe Norwegian church to which both dioceses then belonged, the area ofa parochial cure was the 'priest's district' (prestegjeld)-rather than the 'parish' (sokn). While some such districts might contain no more than a single parish church, most comprised two or three and some as many as four 'head churches'; and these groupings could change from one period to another in Shetland at any rate. The system has been clearly identified in Orkney diocese (which was to remain part of Norway until 1468-9), and it has been suggested that a similar arrangement (albeit less convincingly) lies behind the distribution of churches in Sodor diocese, which had been part of Scotland only since 1266. In the lists ofchurches for these two dioceses therefore various definite or possible groupings are indicated by brackets. In all these lists a distinction is made between the names of unappropriated churches in roman type and the names of appropriated churches in italic type. In some cases the evidence about the situation in 1300 is inferential rather than certain, and caution has guided editorial practice. More churches may in fact have been appropriated by this date than is now indicated; but at least a conservative view of how far this process had gone by this date is now available. Place-names are given in modem forms whenever the 1300 form is clearly recognisable; they are left in some contemporary form within quotes where this is not possible; and where the name has been completely changed (often because the site of the church has been moved within the parish bounds) a modem equivalent form is also provided. 347
medieval-atlas/the-church/348 Parish churches about 1300 Aberdeen Mearns .5 / ",-~ .-------/ ~\--.......... Dunblane .16 8
medieval-atlas/the-church/349 Parish churches about 1300 Archdeaconry of St Andrews Mearns Deanery Tannadice Murroes Fife Deanery Fothrif Deanery Aberlemno Monifieth Nigg Aldbar Barry Flisk 101 Arngask Durris Kinnell Creich 102 Auchterrnuchty Fetteresso Inverkeilor Gowrie Deanery Kilmany 103 Kilgour Dunnottar Inverlunan Logie Murdoch 104 Lathrisk Fordoun Dunninald Blair Forgan 105 Cults Arbuthnott Inchbraoch (now Blairgowrie) Leuchars 106 Forthar Kinneff (now Craig) Luncarty Lindores (now Kirkforthar) Newdosk Kettins Cambusmichael (or Abdie) 107 Muckhart Fettercairn Newtyle Coli ace Dunbog 108 Cleish Conveth Nevay Fowlis Collessie 109 Kinross (now Laurencekirk) 36 Eassie Methven Monimail 110 Portmoak Garvock Glamis Scone Auchtermoonzie· 111 Auchterderran Benholm Kinnettles Kinnoull (now Moonzie) 112 Kinglassie Aberluthnot Meathie Lour Perth Dairsie 113 Markinch (now Marykirk) Inverarity Forteviot Cupar 114 Clackmannan Ecclesgreig Idvies Pottie Tarvit 115 Torry (now St Cyrus) (now Kirkden) (now Dunbamey) Ceres (now Torryburn) Arbirlot Rhynd Kemback 116 Carnock Angus Deanery Arbroath and Kinfauns StAndrews 117 Dunfermline Ethie Kilspindie Dunino 118 Inverkeithing Dalbog Lundie Rait Kennoway 119 Parva Kinghorn Edzell Liff Errol Scoonie 120 Magna Kinghorn Dunlappie Invergowrie Inchture Largo 121 Kirkcaldy Logie Logie Dundee Rossinclerach Newburn 122 Dysart Dun (now Lochee) (now Rossie) Kilconquhar 123 Wemyss Lintrathen Strathdighty Forgan Abercrombie 124 Methil Airlie Martin (now Longforgan) (now St Monance), Kirriemuir (now Benvie Kellie Restenneth Strathmartine) (now Carnbee) and Forfar Strathdighty Anstruther Rescobie Comitis Kilrenny (now Mains) 100 Crail Archdeaconry of Lothian Linlithgow Deanery 25 Kinleith 42 Masterton 68 Tyninghame 92 Mordington (now Currie) (now Newbattle) 69 Dunbar 93 Lamberton Stirling 26 Hailes 43 Crichton 70 Innerwick 94 Wedale 2 Kirkton (now Colinton) 44 Cranston 71 Oldhamstocks (now Stow) 3 Airth 27 St Cuthbert 45 Heriot 95 Lauder 4 Dunipace under 46 Soutra Merse Deanery 96 Gordon 5 Larbert the Castle 47 Fala 97 Legerwood 6 Bothkenner 28 Restalrig 48 Keith Marischal 72 Channelkirk 98 Earlston 7 Falkirk 29 St Giles of 49 Keith Humbie 73 Cranshaws 99 Mertoun 8 Slamannan Edinburgh (now Humbie) 74 Ellem 100 Smailholm 9 Kinneil 30 St Mary in the 50 Ormiston (now Ellemford) 101 Makerstoun 10 Carriden Fields 51 Pencaitland 75 St Bathans 102 Nenthorn 11 Linlithgow 31 Duddingston 52 Saltoun (now Abbey St 103 Stichill 12 Binny 32 Woolmet 53 Bolton Bathans) 104 Ednam 13 Ecclesmachan (now Newton) 54 Bothans 76 OldCambus 105 Hume 14 Auldcathie 33 Melville (now Yester) 77 Coldingham 106 Eccles 15 Liston 34 Lasswade 55 Bara 78 Hallyburton 107 Lennel (now Kirkliston) 35 Pentland 56 Morham 79 Greenlaw (now 16 Dalmeny 36 Penicuik 57 Garvald 80 Fogo Coldstream) 17 Gogar 58 Musselburgh 81 Polwarth 108 Upsettlington 18 Bathgate Haddington Deanery 59 Tranent 82 Langton (now Ladykirk) 19 Strathbrock 60 Seton 83 Duns 109 Horndean (now Uphall) 37 Mount Lothian 61 Haddington 84 Edrom 110 Fishwick 20 Ratho 38 Clerkington 62 Athelstaneford 85 Chirnside III Berwick 21 Livingston (now Temple) 63 Linton 86 Simprim 22 Calder Comitis 39 Carrington (now Prestonkirk) 87 Swinton (now West Calder) 40 Loquhariot 64 Gullane 88 Whitsome 23 Calder Clere (now 65 North Berwick 89 Hilton (now East Calder) Borthwick) 66 Auldhame 90 Hutton 24 Newton 41 Cockpen 67 Hamer 91 Foulden (now Kirknewton) (now Whitekirk) Parish churches about 1300: diocese of St Andrews DERW 349
medieval-atlas/the-church/350 Parish churches about 1300 '-' 44 ~-4'6 '->-45.) /' -, .48 .67 62. \ Lanark 65· 108 ~ " - ·68 112 , \ ~ "\ .113 " ~1 ------~,..I ..... '\\ .114 . ".115 \ 117 8••9 Nith Galloway Boundaries • Diocese of Glasgow Archdeaconry Deanery Parish churches kms 10 miles 25, Parish churches about 1300: diocese of Glasgow NFS 350
medieval-atlas/the-church/351 Parish churches about 1300 Archdeaconry of Glasgow 25 Paisley 50 Carstairs 74 Kilbucho 26 Renfrew 51 Camwarth 75 Glenholm Neveth 27 Govan 52 Walson 76 Stobo 99 Galston (now Rosneath) 28 Glasgow Cathedral 53 Dunsyre 77 Lyne 100 Dundonald Cardross 29 Cadder 54 Dolphinton 78 Eddleston 101 Craigie Luss 30 Neilston 55 Libberton 79 Peebles 102 Symington Inchcailloan 31 Eastwood 56 Quothquan 80 Innerleithen 103 Bamwell (now Inchcailloan 32 Meams 57 Biggar 81 Traquair 104 Tarbolton or Buchanan) 33 Eaglesham 58 Carmichael 82 Forest Kirk 105 Prestwick 5 Kilmaronock 34 Cathcart 59 Covington (now Yarrow) Monachoram Drymen 35 Carmunnock 60 Thankerton (now Monkton) Killeam 36 Rutherglen (or Tinto) 106 Prestwick Burgh Balfron 37 Drumsargad 61 Symington 107 St Quivox Fintry (now Cambuslang) 62 Wiston 83 Largs (now Sanquhar) 10 Bonhill 38 Blantyre 63 Lamington 84 Kilbirnie 108 Ayr 11 Dumbarton 39 Bothwell 64 Cutler 85 Beith 109 Ochiltree 12 Kilpatrick 40 Kilbride' 65 Roberton 86 Kilbride 110 Auchinleck 13 Strathblane (now East Kilbride) (now West Kilbride) III Cumnock 14 Campsie 41 Cadzow 66 Hartside 87 Ardrossan IS Baldemock (now Hamilton) (or Wandel) 88 Stevenston 16 Kirkintilloch 42 Dalziel 67 Douglas 89 DaIry 112 Kirkbride 17 Monyabroch 43 Cambusnethan 68 Crawfordjohn 90 Kilwinning 113 Maybole (now Kilsyth) 44 Glasford 69 Crawford 114 Kirkmichael 45 Strathaven lIS Straiton 116 Kirkoswald 91 Dunlop 117 Dalquharran 18 Inverkip 70 Linton Roderick 92 Stewarton (now Daill y) 19 Kilmacolm (now West Linton) 93 Irvine 118 Girvan 20 Killellan 46 Stonehouse 71 Newlands 94 Perceton 119 Colmonell 21 Houston 47 Eglismalescok 72 Orde 95 Dreghom 120 Kirkcudbright Invertig 22 Kilbarchan (now Carluke) (or Horde 96 Kilmaurs (now Ballantrae) 23 Erskine 48 Lesmahagow now Kirkurd) 97 Kilmamock 24 Inchinnan 49 Lanark 73 Skirling 98 Loudoun Archdeaconry of Teviotdale Kirkconnel 25 Kirkganzeon 47 Hoddom 75 Ranklebum 98 Oxnam 2 Sanquhar 26 Lochrutton 48 Ecclefechan (now Buccleuch) 99 Jedburgh 3 Kirkbride 27 Kirkpatrick Cro 49 Middlebie 76 Ashkirk 100 Bedrule 4 Durisdeer (now lrongray) 50 Kirkconnell 77 Selkirk Abbatis and 101 Cavers Parva 5 Morton 28 Terregles 51 Pennersaughs Selkirk Regis (now Kirkton) 6 Glencairn 29 Troqueer 52 Mouswald 78 LilJiesleaf 102 Hawick 7 Tynron 30 Loch Kindar 53 Dalton Parva 79 Melrose 103 Hobkirk 8 Penpoint (now New Abbey) 54 Dalton Magna 80 Bowden (or Rule) 9 Dalgamock 31 Colvend 55 Trailtrow 81 Wilton 104 Abbotrule 10 Closebum 32 Southwick 56 Brydekirk 82 Hassendean 104 South dean 11 Dumgree 33 Kirkbean 57 Luce 83 Minto 12 Garvald 58 Ruthwell 84 Ancrum 59 Cummertrees 85 Longnewton 60 Annan 86 Lessudden 34 Moffat 61 Domock (now St Boswells) 13 Kirkmichael 35 Kirkpatrick-Juxta 62 Kirkpatrick-Fleming 87 Maxton 14 Dunscore 36 Wamphray 88 Eckford 15 Holywood 37 Johnstone 89 Rosburgh, Old (Dercongal) 38 Hutton (Magna) 65 Kirkandrews Roxburgh, Holy Sepulchre 16 Kirkmahoe 39 Sibbaldbie 66 Morton Roxburgh, St James 17 Tinwald 40 Jardine 67 Canonbie 90 Maxwell 18 Trailflat (or Applegarth) (or Lidgel) 91 Sprouston 19 Torthorwald 41 Corrie 68 Wauchope 92 Lempitlaw 20 Dumfries 42 Lochmaben 69 Staplegordon 93 Linton 21 Kirkblain 43 Dryfesdale 70 Westerkirk 94 Yetholm and (now Caerlaverock) 44 Tundergarth 71 Ewesdale St Cuthbert Yetholm Parva 22 Blaiket 45 Carruthers 72 Ewesdale St Martin 95 Morebattle 23 Kirkpartick Durham 46 Castlemilk 73 Castleton 96 Mow 24 Urr (now St Mungo) 74 Cavers Magna 97 Hownam These churches are likely to have been erected by about 1300, but the evidence is inferential rather than clear. These churches may still have been non-parochial chapels about 1300, but certainly became parish churches soon afterwards. Parish churches about 1300: diocese of Glasgow NFS 351
medieval-atlas/the-church/352 Parish churches about 1300 Dunblane Area 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 2 3 4 5 Balquhidder 'Tulliedene' (or 'Tullichetil') Comrie Struan (now Strowan) Monzievaird Monzie Fowlis Wester Muthill Strachan Glenbervie Catterline Kinghornie Lethnot 13 14 15 16 6 7 8 -Dunkeld Glasgow Diocese of Dunblane ----Other dioceses • Parish churches Strageath 17 Kinkell 18 Gask Christi 19 (now Trinity Gask) 20 Nesgask 21 (now Findo Gask) Dupplin 22 Auchterarder 23 Aberuthven 24 Dunning Parish churches about 1300: diocese of Dunblane StAndrews Kilbride Dunblane Cathedral Logie Airthrey Tullibody Tillicoultry Glendevon Fossoway Tullibole Detached Parishes 33 Tulliallan 34 Culross 35 Dron 36 Abernethy 37 StMadoes (or Caimie) DERW 20 'Crebyauch' (now Kirkbuddo) 21 Monikie 22 Panbride 23 Dundee DERW Leny Kilmahog Callander Aberfoyle Isle ofMenteith (Port ofMenteith) Kippen Kincardine Kilmadock • Navar Stracathro Glenisla Diocese of St Andrews (within whose bounds lay the churches of Brechin diocese) Parish churches Finavon Kilmoir Burghill Kingoldrum 14 Brechin Cortachy Cathedral Farnell Maryton Montrose Guthrie Dunnichen Parish churches about 1300: diocese of Brechin 352
medieval-atlas/the-church/353 Parish churches about 1300 Aberdeen Moray 8• 9• 12• ·13• •10 11 14· 1~17 19 20• • 15· ·18 .21 29.28 .30• .39 "'\ ) \ Dunblane .45 Sf Andrews ..... ;> " " ( --J"., \ )".-'\ ,../"", t./ --.,-) '-'\...J''c, Glasgow \ ----Diocese of Dunkeld ---. Other dioceses • Parish churches '--kms 25 10 • miles Dunkeld Area Detached Parishes 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Rannoch (or Killichonen) Struan Blair Atholl Kilmaveonaig Lude Moulin Strathardle (or Kirkrnichael) Killin Ardeonaig Fortingall Inchcadin (now Kenmore) Dull 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 Weem Logierait Logie AlIochie (now Lagganallachy) Dunkeld, Holy Trinity Dunkeld Cathedral Little Dunkeld Clunie Lundeiff (now Kinloch) Lethendy 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 Bendochy Rattray Alyth Ruthven Meigle Logiebride Auchtergaven Kinclaven Cargil/ Melginch (now SI. Martins) Moneydie Redgorton Fern 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 Menrnuir Abernyte Auchterhouse Tealing Crieff Madderty Tibberrnore Aberdalgie Forgrund (or Forgandenny) Muckersie Strathrniglo Fithkil (now Leslie) 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Lecropt Alva Dollar Saline Crornbie Rosyth Dalgety Aberdour Auchtertool Abercorn Crarnond Aberlady Preston Bunkle Parish churches about 1300: diocese of Dunkeld DERW 353
medieval-atlas/the-church/354 Parish churches about 1300 3• •5 4 9 Boyne Buchan 24• Moray 25• Mar 76 82a. •77 • •85 ---~ StAndrews Boundaries Diocese Aberdeen o I kms 25 I -Deanery 10 miles • Parish churches Boyne Deanery Peterugie Logie Durno Culter Kinnernie (now Peterhead) Culsalmond (now Peterculter) Midmar Rathven Deer Rayne 52a Templars' Chapel Echt 'Farskane' Fyvie Daviot (now Maryculter) Invemochty Fordyce Methlick Bethelnie Dalmaik (now Strathdon) Cullen Tarves Bourtie (now Drumoak) Kinbattoch Ordiquhill Ellon Inverurie Banchory-Ternan (now Towie) 'Monbrey' Logie Buchan Kinkell Cushnie Banff Cruden 44a Drumblade Leochel Inverboyndie Slains 44b Kemnay Mar Deanery Migvie Alvah Forvie 44c Kintore Tarland King Edward Foveran 44d Kinellar Mortlach Coldstone Forglen 44e Dyce Dumeath Logie Mar Turriff 44f Skene Clova (or Logie Ruthven) Gamrie Garioch Deanery Fetternear Auchindoir Coull Aberdour Monymusk Keam Lumphanan Tyrie Forgue Fintray Clatt Kincardine O'Neil Auchterless Kildrummy Birse Kennethmont Forbes Aboyne Buchan Deanery Tullynessle Aberdeen Deanery Alford 82a Tullich Leslie Keig Glenmuick Philorth Rathmuriel Belhelvie Tough Crathie Rathen (now Christ's Aberdeen Cluny Kindrochit Lonmay Kirk) Cathedral (now Braemar) Crimond Insch Aberdeen St (or Ratt ray) Premnay Nicholas Longley Oyne Banchory (or Inverugie) Devenick Parish churches about 1300: diocese ofAberdeen DERW 354
medieval-atlas/the-church/355 Parish churches about 1300 Ross Argyll Boundaries Diocese of Moray ----Deanery • Parish churches Inverness Deanery 15 16 1 Abertarff 17 2 Urquhart 18 3 Convinth 4 Abriachan (now Bona) Dalcross Brackley Croy Ewan (or Barevan now Cawdor) Dores Strathspey Deanery Kiftarlity Wardlaw Logie Kenny (now Kirkhill) (now Laggan) 'Ferneway' Kingussie Inverness Insh Lundechty Alvie (now Dunlichity) Rothiemurcus Daviot Kincardine Dalarossie Duthif Lunnin Abernethy (now Moy) Inverallan Petty Cromdale ./' /' /' '\ / / 27 28• • • Dunkeld Strathbogie deanery appears to be identical with the lordship of Strathbogie created by David I in the midtwelfth century for a younger son of the earl of Fife. 29 Advie 30 Inveravon Elgin Deanery 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 'Fothervays' (now Ardclach) Logie Fythenach (now Edinkillie) Dallas Elchies Rothes Dundurcus Auldearn Dyke Moy Forres Altyre Rafford Alves 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 Strathbogie Deanery Aberlour Arndilly (now Boharm) Botriphnie Keith Rothiemay Parish churches about 1300: diocese of Moray 355 30 \. •• kms o 10 miles Its attachment to Moray diocese looks like a deliberate act of policy, now that nearby Mortlach was no longer an episcopal centre Duffus 60 Aberchirder Ogston (now Mamoch) Kinneddar 61 biverkeithny Spynie 62 Botary Elgin Cathedral 63 Ruthven Elgin St Giles Birnie Lhanbryde Urquhart Essle Dipple 64 Kinnoir 65 Glass 66 Drumdelgie 67 Dunbennan 68 Edendiack 69 Grantully (now Gartly) 70 Essie 71 Rhynie DERW,MA
medieval-atlas/the-church/356 -. -. Parish churches about 1300 -. -. --- Caithness 0 I 0 kms I 10 miles 25 I I 20 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Assynt Durness Farr Reay Thurso Skinnet Halkirk Olrig 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 Dunnet Canisbay Bower Watten Wick Latheron Kildonan Loth 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 Clyne Kilmalie Rogart DomochCathedral Dornoch, St Barr Creich Lairg RGC Parish churches about 1300: diocese of Caithness 7~ ~ 8~Ko Ra S s Moray 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 Kintail Lochalsh Lochcarron Applecross Gair10ch Lochbroom Kincardine Edderton Tain Tarbat Nigg 12 13 14 15 " """"-Kilmoremethet 16 Alness (now Kilchrist) (now Ki1muir 17 Kilteam 25 Altyre Easter) 18 Lemlair (now Ki1morack) Logiemethet 19 Dingwall 26 'Eddyrdor' (now Logie 20 Fodderty (now Killeaman) Easter) 21 Kinnettes 27 Logiebride Rosskeen 22 Contin (now Logie 'Nevoth' 23 'Inveraferan' Wester) (or Newnakle (now Urray) 28 Urquhart now Nonakiln) 24 Tarradale Parish churches about 1300: diocese of Ross 0 I 0 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 25 II I 10 20 miles Cullicudden Kirkmichael Cromarty Rosemarkie Fortrose Cathedral Ardersier Avoch Suddie Kilmuir Wester RGC 356
medieval-atlas/the-church/357 Parish churches about 1300 Boundaries Diocese of Galloway ----Deanery • Parish churches Rhinns Deanery Kirkcolm 2 Leswalt 3 Inch 4 Soulseat 5 Glenluce 6 Stoneykirk 7 Clayshant 8 Toskerton (or Kirkmadrine) 9 Kirkmaiden Farines Deanery 10 Mochrum 11 Longcastle 12 Kirkmaiden 13 Glasserton 14 Whithorn Cathedral 15 Cruggleton 16 Sorbie 17 Kirkmadrine (or Egemess) 18 Camesmole (or Kirkinner) 19 Wigtown 20 Penninghame 21 'Awengalceway' (now Minnigaff) Glasgow kms 25 10 20 miles Desnes Deanery 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 Kirkmabreck Kirkdale Anwoth Girthon Kirkandrews (or Purton) Borgue Senwick Kirkchrist Twynholm Tongland Kirkcudbright Galtway Dunrod Rerrick Barncrosh Kirkcormack Gelston Buittle Kelton Crossmichael Glenken Deanery Balmaghie Parton Kells Trevercarcou' (now Balmaclellan) Dairy Parish churches about 1300: diocese of Galloway RO 357
medieval-atlas/the-church/358 Parish churches about 1300 Ross Moray 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 • Kilcolmkill (now in Southend) Kilblane (now in Southend) Kilkivan (now in Campbeitown) Kilklirran (now in Campbeltown) Kilchousland (now in Campbeitown) Kilmichael Kiichenzie Killarow (or Kilmarow) Killean Kilcalmonell Kilberry 'Kilmachormant' (or Kilvickocharmaig in Knapdale, now Keills) Kilfinan Kilmodan Inverchaolain Dunoon Kilmun Strathlachlan (or Kilmorie) Kilmaghlas Kinlochgoil (now Lochgilhead) Kilmorich Kilmalieu (now Inveraray) Kilneuair in Glassary Kilmartin Parish churches 27 28 29 30 31 32 37 38 39 40 43 44 45 46 47 / / -< 2. 21 \ Kilmory (or Craignish) •23 Kiichattan 19 20 l (or Luing) Kilbrandon ~ " Kilmelford) Glassary Kilninver Kilbride Kilmore Kilchrenan (or Lochawe Inchealt (now Inishail) Clachan Dysart (now Glenorchy) Muckaim (or Kilespickerill) Kilbodan in Benderloch (or Ballibodan, now Ardchattan) Lismore Cathedral Kiicolmkill in Kinelvadon or Morvem (now Lochaline) Killintag Kilchoan in Ardnamurchan Eilean Fhianain (or St Finan's Isle) Eilean Munde (or Glencoe) Kilmallie kms Kilmonivaig 25, Moidart 10 20 miles Arisaig Kiichoan in Knodfurd (now Inverie in Knoydart) Though the three deaneries ofKintyre, Glassary Glenelg and Lom certainly existed by 1300, the allocation of parishes to deaneries is unknown Parish churches about 1300: diocese of Argyll IF 358
medieval-atlas/the-church/359 Parish churches about 1300 Shetland -. -. -. -. ....... ....... ....... ....... ....... kms ....... 0 25 -. ------I I I I 0 10 20 miles Orkney 1 [Walls 32 Holm 2 Flotta 33 Burray 3 [Hoy 34 [ (S) Ronaldsay, St Peter 4 Graemsay 35 (S) Ronaldsay, Lady 5 [ Stromness 36 Foula 6 Sandwick 37 [ Papa Stour 31 7 [ Birsay 38 Sandness 8 Harray 39 Walls 9 [ Evie 40 [ Sandsting 10 Rendall 41 Aithsting 11 [ Rousay 42 Northmavine, Hillswick 12 Egilsay 43 [ Northmavine, Ollaberry 13 [ Westray, Cross 44 Northmavine, North Roe 14 Westray, Lady 45 Yell (S), Hamnavoe 15 Papa Westray 46 [ Yell (Mid), Reaftrth 16 47 Yell (N), Breckon [R;'",","' (N. Ronaldsay) 48 Unst (S), Lund 17 Sanday, Bumess 49 [ Unst (Mid), Baliasta 18 Sanday,Lady 50 Unst (N), Norwick 19 Sanday, Cross 51 Fetlar 20 52 [ Delting (N), Scatsta 21 Stronsay, Lady 53 Delting (S), Olnafirth achdeaconries 22 Stronsay, St Peter 54 Lunnasting 23 Stronsay, St Nicholas 55 [ WhalsayParish churches Boundary between [Ed" • 24 Shapinsay 56 Nesting 25 Firth 57 Weisdale The brackets indicate groupings of churches 26 [Stenness 58 [ Whiteness 27 Orphir 59 Tingwall 28 Kirkwall, Cathedral 60 [ Burra 29 Kirkwall, St Ola 61 Quarff 30 Tankemess, 62 Bressay [ StAndrews 63 Cunningsburgh 31 Deemess 64 [ Sandwick 65 Dunrossness Parish churches about 1300: diocese of Orkney RGC 359
medieval-atlas/the-church/360 Parish churches about 1300 Boundaries Diocese of The Isles ----Other dioceses • Parish churches The brackets indicate groupings of churches o 25 I I I I o 10 20 miles 4 5 6 7 8 9 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 [Ness (Lewis) Eye (Lewis) Barvas (Lewis) Uig (Lewis) Kilbride (Harris) Rodel (Harris) Sand (N.Uist) [ Kilmory (N. Uist) Carinish (N.Uist) Benbecula ['Howmore (S., Uist) Kilpheder (S. Uist) Barra [Minginish (Skye) Bracadale (Skye) [ Kilmory-Vatemish (Skye) Glendale-Duirinish (Skye) Trumpan (Skye) Snizort Cathedral (Skye) Snizort, St Columba (Skye) [ Uig-Trottemish (Skye) Kilmaluag (Skye) Raasay Strath (Skye) Sleat (Skye) [ Kildonan (Eigg) Canna Soroby (Tiree) [ Kirkapoll (Tiree) Coil Kilninian (Mull) [ Kilcolmkill (Mull) Ulva Pennygown (Mull) [ Killean-Torosay (Mull) Laggan (Mull) [InCh Kenneth Kiifinichen (Mull) Kilvickeon (Mull) Iona Colonsay Kilchoman (Islay) [ Kilarrow (Islay) Kilmany (Islay) [ Kilnauchtan (Islay) Kildalton (Islay) Jura Gigha [ Kilmory (Arran) Kilbride (Arran) [Kingarth (Bute) Rothesay (Bute) Kirk Patrick Peel Cathedral & Kirk German Kirk Michael Ballaugh Jurby Andreas Kirk Bride Lezayre Maughold Lonan Onchan Braddan Marown Santon Malew Arbory Rushen Parish churches about 1300: diocese of The Isles RGC 360
medieval-atlas/the-church/361 Lands and churches of the see of St Andrews The bishops of St Andrews were the lords of a far-flung and Some of the eight episcopal residences recorded by the extensive demesne. By the early thirteenth century their lands had early fourteenth century had been in existence since the twelfth a total value of £1,000, making them amongst the wealthiest magcentury (St Andrews castle and some others in east Fife, such as nates in Scotland. Inchmurdo), although the majority first appear in record in the At least some of the bishop's domain had come into their thirteenth century. William Lamberton (1297-1328) is said to have possession in Celtic times, many of the sites being ancient monastic built the residences at Muckhart, Stow and Kirkliston. centres or connected with important saints such as Ternan (Arbuthnott) The bishops had mensal and patronage rights in churches. and Cuthbert (Stow). These early lands almost certainly included The former meant that a stipendiary priest could be assigned to the the lands within the Boar's Raik (Cursus Apri), the ancientparochia church and the payments in kind due from the church were paid to the of St Andrews, as well as Monymusk, Keig, Loch Leven, Stow in bishop's mensa (table, or household). In the latter case the bishop had Wedale, Tyninghame and Broxmouth. Other early possessions the right to present to the living. This was a favourite way of probably includedEllon, Nigg, the kirkton ofArbuthnott, Inchbraoch maintaining episcopal servants such as archdeacons and officials. and the Abthane of Kinghorn. The vast majority of the bishop's remaining lands came by endowment during the twelfth-century reorganisation of the diocese along the customary lines of the western church. Other lands were lost, or granted to other religious corporations, such as the abbeys of Lindores and Arbroath. Around St Andrews itself there was considerable rearrangement oflands and rights between the bishop, the culdees and the chapter ofAugustinian canons founded by bishop Robert. The 'Norman' bishops of the twelfth century also created a system of secular administration for their lands. Under Bishop Robert (1127-59) a Aberdeen chamberlain was introduced to take overall charge ofthe bishop's estates. By the end of the twelfth century two seneschals appear, acting under the. chamberlain and in charge of the bishop's estates north and south ofthe Forth; in the early thirteenth century a third one was intro duced so that the three were in charge of, respectively, Lothian, Fife and Fothrif, and the scattered estates north ofthe lb~ 0 CO Tay. Under these seneschals were local bailies who usually \ 18 140 operated from an episcopal residence, although by 1300 in ---0 190 become hereditary with local families. 21 some areas (such as Tyninghame) the office of bailie had ).16 17 12 I 2 Culsalmond Ellon 43 44 Tarvit Moonzie 22 CD Monkeigie IGlmany (now Keithhall) Dairsie OBO IGnkell Kemback Keig St Andrews Monymusk Castle Dyce Dunino Nigg Inchmurdo Craighton IGlrenny Durris Pitcorthie 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 Banchory Arbuthnott Kinneff Benholm Dalbog Newdosk Fettercaim Aberluthnot Rescobi Kinnell IGnnettles Meathie 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Scoonie Methil Dysart Abthane of --,-39 OB ./ 45/": 0 -:Y 44.. 46~# 41 U tD. -' OB?_P 'i:J47 '\ ~". -043t ' 0 40/-......55 56 0 ./ ./ .", .", .", o Lands or revenues o Church in bishop's patronage • Mensai church o Episcopal residence B Bailiary Boundary of dioceses Boundary of archdeaconries Boundary of deaneries Boundary of Boar's Raik o I kms I 25 I I 26 27 Idvies Inverarity 10 miles Blairgowrie Nevay Kettins Luncarty Coli ace IGlspindie Rossie Strathmartine Balmuir Pourie Lasswade Forteviot Gullane Loch Leven Bass Rock (or Bishopshire) IGrkforthar 69 70 Tyninghame Broxmouth Monimail Stow in Wedale Cults Nenthom Lands and churches of the bishops of St Andrews about 1300 MA 361
medieval-atlas/the-church/362 Lands and churches ofthe see ofSt Andrews The Cursus Apri, or Boar's Raik, was the territory immediately abbots. The isolated episcopal estate and residence at Inchmurdo surrounding St Andrews, probably corresponding with the modem probably represents part of this ancient endowment; even today the parishes of St Andrews and St Leonards, Cameron, Dunino, Ceres parish boundary crosses the Kenly Water to include the site of the and Kemback. The origin of the name is obscure, perhaps deriving 'palace'. Certainly the bishop's lands were not central to the Boar's from an especially memorable boar hunt or referring to a totemic Raik in the way the chapter's lands were. symbol of the local tribe or ruling family. According to the various Throughout the later twelfth century and the thirteenth twelfth-century legends describing the arrival of the relics of St there were a numberof agreements over lands and rights in the Boar's Andrew in Scotland, the Cursus Apri was the territory granted to the Raik between the bishop, the priory, the archdeacon of St Andrews, church of the apostle. and the Culdees (who formed the collegiate corporation of the This may well be the case, for despite being dispersed and church of St Mary of the Rock by the middle of the thirteenth alienated during the long interregnum following the death ofBishop century). As a result of these agreements the archdeacon came to Fothad IT in 1093, these same lands were nevertheless used to form hold a compact bloc of territory to the north of St Andrews, centred the basis ofthe endowment ofthe Augustinian priory in 1144. At the on Strathtyrum, and the Culdees held substantial groups of lands to same time, moreover, they were specifically stated not to belong to the east and south of the city. An inquest of 1309 found that there the office of the bishop. Those lands which the bishops of St were three baronies within the Boar's Raik: the bishop's, the Priory's Andrews did hold within the Boar's Raik therefore may have come and the Culdees', and that the latter two were subject to the bishop's to them by right of their implied status as inheritors of the Celtic authority. 12 1 SI Andrews Bay • • e • 20 .9 • • 4 1/J)14 • c:.3 \ " .5 .17 .93 d a .21 \ .16 \ .8 , 8 .1 d " , "',"' ---,--,-'-- J \ I , vt.lnino Burn I," , -' \ " '1 " " , ' \ \ \ kms I I I e Archdeacon 0 2 3 o SI. Mary on the Rock Archdeacon miles I/J)I Bishop I Strathtyrum Cathedral Priory 2 Balkaithly Cathedral Priory • Collegiate Church of St. Mary 1 Baldinnie? ('Balmacduncan') approximate boundary of the Boar's Raik on the Rock (Culdees) 2 Pitmullen I Cameron 3 Scoonie la Carngour (Kinninis) 4 Beley 2 Cairn? 5 Stravithie 3 Lambieletham 6 Lathockar 4 Scooniehill 7 Rademie 5 Kinkell 8 Cassindonald 6 Kingask 9 Priorletham (Letham) 7 Kinglassie 10 Balrymonth . 'n 8 Ceres Church Rathelpie Bishop 12 Balgove 1 Kincaple 13 Rumrnond 2 Nydie 14 Claremont 3 Kemback Church 15 Ladeddie 4 Blebo 16 Kinninmonth 5 Pittendreich l7 Denork 22 Kenly 6 St Andrews Castle 18 New Grange 23 Kilrymont 7 Inchmurdo 19 Balone 24 Peekie (Puthechin) 8 Dunino Church 20 Strathkinness 25 Nydie 9 Kilrymont 21 Drumcarrow 26 Kilrymont Church The Boar's Raik MA 362
medieval-atlas/the-church/363 A rental drawn up for an Abbot Richard is usually ascribed to the abbot of that name who held office in the 1280s and I 290s. By then the abbey seems largely to have given up direct exploitation, preferring cash to labour services. A problem posed by the rental is that it apparently does not include all the abbey's lands. The group of properties in Lanarkshire, plus Kilmaurs and Auchinleck in Ayrshire, may have been administered by Lesmahagow Priory and there may have been some rationalisation, because many of the places omitted had only one piece of land belonging to the abbey. It is difficult, however, to explain the omission of Innerwick with its revenue, two pastures and two other pieces of land, or of Bothwell (Lothian) where Kelso still held land in the early fourteenth century. The rental survives only in a copy which contains lacunae, and so it is possible that some properties have been omitted. km. 0 25 50 75 100 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 there were two main foci -Kelso itself and its dependent priory of Lesmahagow. More remote holdings are to be explained by the position of the lands of the donor -e.g. a toft in Inverkeithing from Malcolm IV and one in Renfrew from Waiter, son of Alan, the Steward. Besides arable and pasture, there were shielings in the Lammermuirs, granges, fishing rights (e.g. on the Tweed), a salt-pan at New Abbey, peataries, mills and brewhouses. The abbey's lands produced rents and services. The surviving records provide little evidence of Kelso's part in the wool trade, apart from references to sheep, but Berwick must have been the main port of export for the abbey's wool, at least until its sack in 1296; the abbey had properties and revenues in Berwick, and the husband men of Redden did carting service to it. Kelso had the distinction of holding the largest number of appropriated churches in Scotland. They lay mainly in the dioceses of St Andrews and Glasgow, but also in those of Aberdeen and Moray. The twofoci ofKelso and Lesmahagow, though less obvious Auchinleck Staplegordon Dumgree Trai I flat Dumfries New Abbey Closebum Morton lnverkeithing Stirling Carse of Stirling Perth Peterculter Birnie Antermony Places in italic type are mentioned in the rental of about 1300. 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 o Churches, chapels, hospitals miles NFS o Other rights Kelso Abbey: distant lands and churches ? Site uncertain 363
medieval-atlas/the-church/364 Lands and churches ofKelso Abbey Sf Andrews Diocese 0 70 720 Glasgow Diocese kms miles Horndean* Roxburgh* Cranstoun Riddel* Upsettlington* Makerstoun* Duddingston* Simprim* Hallyburton* Calder Clere* Fogo* Gordon* (now East Calder) Sprouston* Wedderlie* West Linton* Langton* Mow * Dunsyre Lambden* Bowden* Symington Kelso* Selkirk* Thankerton Maxwell Innerleithen * Wiston Greenlaw* Peebles* Roberton Hume* Humbie* Crawfordjohn Nenthom Pencaitland* Lesmahagow* Cambusnethan* Places in italic are mentioned in the rental of about 1300 ---Diocesan boundary * Other rights in addition Kelso Abbey: churches, chapels and hospitals NFS 364
medieval-atlas/the-church/365 Lands and churches ofKelso Abbey 2 3 8 9 13 16 17 19 21 24 27 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 Berwick-upon-Tweed Tweedmouth Ord Hadden Redden Ednam Heiton Newton Don Whiteside Nenthom Dirrington 'M elokisran' (? Mellerstain) Whitslaid Oxton 'Colpenhope' Shotton Yetholm Primside Clifton Attonburn 059 058 St Andrews Diocese 500 049 Glasgow Diocese kms 0 10 20 miles 37 Elisheugh 66 Edinburgh 39 Melrose 75 'Curroc' 41 Holydean (? Corehouse) 42 Whitlaw 76 Lanark 43 'Faudon' 77 Auchtyfardle (? Faldonside) 78 Kerlingholm 44 Midlem 79 'Glenane' 45 Lilliesleaf (? Garlewood) 46 Whitmuir 80 'Dowan' 48 Jedburgh (? Glendevon) 49 Clarilaw 82 Ardoch 50 Newton 83 Draffan 51 Ettrickbridge End 85 Cadzow (now Hamilton) 52 MinchMoor 86 Strathaven 54 'Hopekeliow' (? Kalizie) 87 Kype 56 Innerwick 88 Folkerton 57 Broxmouth 89 Poniel 58 Bothwell 90 Douglas 59 Spartlelon 91 'Hautillet' (? Auchinstilloch) 60 Preston 112 Mauldslie 61 Haddington 113 Greenrig Places in italic are mentioned in the rental of about 1300 --Diocesan boundary Kelso Abbey: other rights 365 NFS
medieval-atlas/the-church/366 Appropriations of some parish churches by 1560 Domoch cathedral I Dornoch 2 Assynt 3 Bower 4 Canisbay 5 C1yne 6 Creich 7 Dunnet 8 Farr 9 Halkirk 10 Kildonan II Lairg 120lrig 13 Rogart 14 Skinnet 15 Watten Glasgow cathedral I Glasgow Primo and Secundo 2 Ancrum 3 Ashkirk 4 Ayr 5 Cambuslang 6 Cadder 7 Campsie 8 Cardross 9 Carnwath 10 Carstairs II Colmonell 12 Cumnock \3 Dalziel 14 Douglas 15 Durisdeer 16 Eaglesham 17 Eddleston 18 Erskine 19 Glencairn 20 Govan 21 Hamilt.on 22 Kilbride 23 Killearn 24 Kirkmahoe 25 Lilliesleaf 26 Luss 35 Walston Dunkeld cathedral I Dunkeld 2 Aberlady 3Alyth 4 Auchtergaven 5 Aucherhouse 6 Clunie 7 Crieff 8Fem Churches printed in italic type were allocated to the common fund of the chapter 9 Forgandenny 10 F ortingall II Inchcadin 12 KincIaven 13 Lagganallachy 14 Lethendy 15.Litt1e Dunkeld 16 Logiebride 17 Lundeiff 18 Meigle 19 Menmuir 20 Moneydie 21 Muckersie 22 Rattray 23 Saline 24 Tealing Aberdeen cathedral I Aberdeen, St Machar 2 Aberdeen, St Nicholas 3 Aberdeen, Spittal 4 Aberdour 5 Auchterless 6 Banchory-Devenick 7 Belhelvie 8 Birse 9 Cabrach 10 C1att II Coldstone 12 Crimond 13 Cruden 14 Daviot 15 Deer 16 Drumoak 17 Dumeath 18 Ellon 19 Forbes 20 Fordyce 21Invermochty 22 Kildrummy 23 Kincardine O'Neil 24 Kinkell 25 Logie Buchan 26 Logic Mar 27 Lonmay 28 Methlick 29 Monymusk 30 Mortlach 310yne 32 Philorth 33 Rathen o Dornoch ... Aberdeen ~ Dunkeld • Glasgow Appropriations of parish churches by 1560: cathedrals of Dornoch, Aberdeen, Dunkeld and Glasgow IBC 366
medieval-atlas/the-church/367 Appropriations ofsome parish churches by 1560 Ba lmerino: I Balmerino 2 Barry 3 Logiemurthach (nowLogie) Coupar Angus 4 Airlie S Alvah 6 Bendochy 7 Fossoway 8 Glenisla 9 Meathie Lour Culross 10 Crombie 11 Culross 12 Tullibole Deer 13 Deer 14 Foveran I S King Edward 16 Peterugie (now Peterhead) Dundrennan 17 Kirkmabreck 18 Rerrick Glenluce 19 Glenluce Kinloss 20 Avoch 21 Ellon Melrose 22 Cavers (Magna) 23 Ettrick 24 Hassendean 2S Mauchline 26 Melrose 27 Ochiltree 28 Westerkirk Newbattle 29 Bathgate 30 Cockpen 31 Heriot 32 Newbanle Saddell Sweetheart 34 Coupar Angus Abbe 3S 36 37 ! 29 ~Newbattle Abbey (32) ! 31 .. r~elrOSe. Abbe (2~i 25_____. \ . 27 ~ l ~28 "i,f) 36~ ~ \ ) •. / ~~ ..Sweeth~r:tbPbey (19) GlenlUCeA~ ~~7 (il ndrennan A bey Parishes appropriated to religious houses in 1560 o Balmerino • Kinloss o Coupar Angus • Melrose /::,. Culross , Newbattle T Deer • Saddell (no parishes) \1 Dundrennan ... sweetheai!) kms o Glenluce 0...._"T"""2....5--.-_....50'---.----'75-.-_"T"'loo o 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Appropriations of parish churches by 1560: Cistercian abbeys 367
medieval-atlas/the-church/368 Appropriations ofsome parish churches by 1560 The creation of a parochial organisation during the course of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries provided the means of maintaining an endowed priest in every parish, but this was never intended to be its sole purpose. Others had equal claim to the teinds, and from their inception these revenues were regarded as a means of endowing other religious institutions besides the parish. Initially it was religious houses founded after the twelfth-century reforms that received churches; and eventually by 1560 no Scottish religious house of consequence (with the exception of friaries) lacked such an endowment, although the number of annexed parishes varied considerably. The Cistercians, who initially resisted the holding of parochial revenues, totalled only thirty-seven churches between their eleven houses. The largest single holders of parish churches were the Tironensian royal foundations such as Arbroath with thirty-four churches, closely followed by the Cluniac house at Paisley which owed most of its twenty-eight churches to the generosity of its founder, Walter Fitzalan. The holdings of these two houses, with the almost as large endowments of the Augustinian abbey of Holyrood which held twenty-five churches, illustrate the geographically compactness of most annexations. However distance in itself was no barrier to appropriation, although inaccessibility involved difficulty in the collection ofteinds -a factor which Holyrood, with its remote churches in Galloway, seems to have partially solved by serving such churches by its own canons. Parochial revenues were also used to support cathedral churches: At St Andrews and Whithorn there were communities of regular clergy supported by parish churches in the same way as the abbeys. In the other dioceses, commencing at Glasgow in the midtwelfth century, it became common for the cathedral chapters to be made up of secular clergy. These bodies of ecclesiastics, known individually as canons, were assigned separate prebendal allowances, the revenues of which were normally derived from appropriated parish churches, which in turn gave their names to the prebends which they supported. New churches were constantly being added over the centuries, and by the Reformation Glasgow cathedral, closely followed by Aberdeen, possessed thirty-one and thirty prebends endowed with churches respectively, while Dunkeld with twenty such prebends came not far behind. Other cathedral chapters were much smaller; the chapter at Dornoch for example possessed only twelve such prebends. Not all appropriated churches were, however, allocated to individual canons, for others formed the basis ofa common fund, the revenues of which were allocated among members of the chapter as a means of encouraging residence. The basis of funding remained parochial revenues. This precedent in monasteries and cathedrals was followed in the erection of collegiate church and academic colleges from the mid-fourteenth century to the Reformation, by which period 86% of the parish churches of Scotland had been appropriated, bringing problems of service which were only partly assuaged by vicarage settlements, which sought to provide tenure and with less success an adequate stipend for the parochial incumbent who consequently was often unfitted for his duties. If laxity of service, rather than appropriation, was the principal canker within the medieval church, the system undoubtedly played a significant part in the deterioration of the structural organisation of the Scottish church. Arbroath Abbey Paisley Abbey Holyrood Abbey Aberchirder Auchinleck Airth Abernethy Carrnunnock Balmaghie Arbirlot Cathcart Bara Banchory-Ternan Craigie Bolton Banff Cumbrae Canongate Bethelnie Dundonald Carriden Coull Eastwood Corstorphine Dunbog Houston Crawford (-Douglas) Dunnichen Innerwick Dalgarnock Ethie Inverkip Dunrod Fetterangus Kilbarchan Falkirk Forgue Kilcalmonell Kelton Fyvie Kilfinan Kinghorn Easter Garnrie Killallan (now Kinghorn) Garvock Kilmacolm Kinneil Glamis Kilpatrick Kirkcormack Inverboyndie Largs Kirkcudbright Inverkeilor Legerwood Liberton Inverness Lochwinnoch Livingston Inverugie Mearns Melginch (now St. Fergus) Monkton (now St. Martins) Kinnernie Neilston Mount Lothian Kingoldrum Paisley St. Cuthbert under Kirriemuir Prestwick the Castle Lunan Riccarton Tranent Mains Rosneath Twynholm Monifieth Rutherglen Urr Monikie St. Quivox Hamer(now Murroes Whitekirk) Newtyle Nigg Panbride Ruthven St. Vigeans Tarves Appropriations of parish churches by 1560: abbeys of Arbroath, Paisley and Holyrood 368
medieval-atlas/the-church/369 Appropriations ofsome parish churches by 1560 Parishes appropriated to religious houses in 1560 b. Arbroath Abbey kms .. Paisley Abbey o sp 19o • Holyrood Abbey I , o 10 20 30 40 50 60 () me miles Appropriations of parish churches by 1560: abbeys of Arbroath, Paisley and Holyrood 369
medieval-atlas/the-church/370 Church plans from about 1120 to 1560 Church planning A study of the ways in which the designers of Scottish ecclesiastical buildings responded to the needs of their patrons in the lay-out of the churches they built is of value both in assessing the influences at work on our ecclesiastical architecture, and in determining the relationships between individual buildings. Although the most ambitious varieties ofplanning employed elsewhere in north-west- Greater churches The first plans of many of the great abbeys and cathedrals which began to rise from the 1I20s onwards, as the momentum of new foundations gathered strength, are no longer known. But the surviving evidence indicates that it was to English sources that Scottish patrons were initially looking -albeit continental inspiration lay behind many of these sources. At Dunfermline and Kirkwall the original form of the aisled choirs with apsidal east ends suggests reference to such as Durham, and ultimately to Normandy, whilst the exotic double cross plan of Kelso may have come from eastern England, although the English masons possibly derived their own inspiration for such plans from the Rhineland. As the twelfth century progresses and the evidence becomes more complete, the preponderant influence of northern England becomes more apparent. (In the western Highlands the earlier tradition of dependence on Ireland continued, although Ireland itself was by then at least partly under the tutelage of western England.) As in England, a growing preference for some form of rectangular eastern termination, rather than a curved apse, may be seen to emerge. Starting with St Andrews in the 1160s a type of plan with a squareended presbytery projecting beyond an aisled choir came to be widely employed; possibly first developed at South well Minister before 1114 as a variant on the apse echelon arrangement, such plans were to be as popular in northern England -at Lanercost for example -as in lowland Scotland. At about the same time a simpler plan form, almost certainly originally evolved in Burgundy to meet the austere requirements of the Cistercian order, also came to be widely current in Scotland, not for Cistercian churches alone, but almost equally amongst several of the orders responsive to Cistercian thought. This form, which had no structurally distinct choir, but only a square presbytery flanked by transepts with eastern chapels, was almost certainly imported to Scotland from north Yorkshire, an area with a high concentration of Cistercian houses, where the missionary house of Rievaulx was one of the earlier English embodiments of the type. One of the additional attractions of this Cistercian type for other orders was doubtlessly its relative cheapness, and it was probably a similar urge towards economy which led to a wide-spread preference for churches with extended aisle-less choirs, either directly adjoining the nave, or separated from it by transepts. One of the first churches to have had such a plan must have been em Europe were not reflected in Scotland and, indeed, a clear majority of our lesser churches were never of more than unaugmented rectangular form. A considerable range of plan types may still be observed. A preliminary attempt is here made broadly to categorise those churches of which the plan is known, or ascertainable with reasonable confidence. Coldingham, where the foundations discovered below the existing late twelfth-century choir are of this form, and variants on such plans were to be employed throughout the rest of the Middle Ages. Nevertheless, a number of more complex types were also adopted to meet the changing liturgical requirements of the later twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Extended choirs flanked to their full length by aisles -a markedly English type perhaps first em ployed at Winchester St Cross before becoming a firm favourite in the north at such as lervaulx -were added to several buildings, including Kirkwall. In some cases, such as Dunfermline and per haps also Whithorn, the southern English preference for softening the verticality of such choirs by providing a lower eastern chapel was reflected. At Glasgow the mid-thirteenth-century choir was provided with an eastern ambulatory with a row of chapels beyond, an arrangement possibly first developed in England, and later in Burgundy, to meet the Cistercian need for additional altars within a simple framework. It was used at Dore in Herefordshire and a variant was employed in North Yorkshire at 8yland. It has recently been suggested that the plan may have been first used in Scotland at Cistercian Newbattle, an attractive idea despite the ambiguity of the excavated plan. The tendency of Scottish patrons and masons to move out of the northern English architectural ambience after the Wars of Independence is less evident in planning than it is in architectural details. Many of the established plan types continued to be used with only minor changes to indicate their later date, although fewer buildings were laid out on the great scale common in earlier centu. ries, as lay patronage of the religious houses diminished. It is perhaps in only two aspects of planning that Scotland may be seen to mark its greater artistic independence in the later Middle Ages: the use of polygonal apses to choirs or even transeptal chapels, and the tendency to add laterally projecting chapels either irregularly or in a more fully articulated transeptal relationship with the main body. The first suggests a new direct European guidance in architecture; the second is essentially a nati ve response to the need to accommodate growing numbers of altars for particular cults or for chantry purposes, andcin at least one case -Restalrig -the additions were of strikingly idiosyncratic form. 370
medieval-atlas/the-church/371 Church plans/rom about 1120 to 1560 ~ ~ f:J ~{& rf)~ ~irkwall Cathedral • Fearn ~. /-: . Cullen ---, Fortrose cathed~a~ss • Ej ln /1 --' ''"---./-~ ~?' j · Pluscarden _,-_~_ eauy S Aberdeen r:;::P ~'LISm~!e Cathedral 7Dunkel~Fo~ler ~~rbroath Ardchattan r • ~ Meth~enDundee Perth • Iona ---. \ Innerpeffray Balmenno G Lmdores ..SI Andrews Inchmahome Dunblane ~crali • (Jronsa·~oWionsay culros~~Luffnrss 'nChcolm Lmilthgow. 1 .-: Haddlngton Glas ow • ~-6 . . 'Dunglass ~ • Torphlchen 3 • Bothans .,IJ {)castleusez::. Paisley Ro~iln l· Cnchton Coldmgham Pnory VD hQ liwmninCamwath S. ~I Melrose / g Blggar r Pee~ ~s ~~ ~~ ~. ~~~ r "\ \./. --- LJ '\ Jedburgh l" 1 South Queensferry 2 Corstorphine f 3 Edinburgh ; ...-..i ~/ ··: 4 Restalrig Lincluden ........ ~ 5 Holyrood '"'1 r 6 Dalkeith Sweetheart Abbey 7 Newbattle Abbey ~ ~Od~OAb~' kms o 25 50 75 100 o 10 20 30 40 50 60 {J RP miles Church plans: greater churches 371
medieval-atlas/the-church/372 Church plans from about 1120 to 1560 1 Aisle-less choir and aisle-less nave Aberdeen Franciscan Church Elgin Franciscan Church Fowlis Easter Collegiate Church Innerpeffray Collegiate Church *Lismore Cathedral Restenneth Priory St Andrews St Leonard's Collegiate Church Glasgow Dominican Church Linlithgow Carmelite Church Luffness Carmelite Church 2 Choir and nave with asymmetrically projecting chapels or aisles Beauly Priory Corstorphine Collegiate Church Crichton Collegiate Church Cullen Collegiate Church FearnAbbey *Fortrose Cathedral Inchmahome Priory Iona Abbey Iona Nunnery Lincluden Collegiate Church Oronsay Priory Peebles Trinitarian Church South Queensferry Carmelite Church Carnwath Collegiate Church Methven Collegiate Church Restalrig Collegiate Church St Andrews Dominican Church 3 Aisle-less choir and symmetrically aisled nave Crail Collegiate Church *Dunblane Cathedral Dunkeld Cathedral Brechin Cathedral 4 Aisle-less choir with transepts Bothans (Yester) Collegiate Church *Dornoch Cathedral Dunglass Collegiate Church Inchcolm Abbey Paisley Abbey Saddell Abbey St Andrews St Mary on the Rock Collegiate Church Torphican Preceptory Aberdeen Cathedral SI. Monance Dominican Church 5 Aisle-less choir and transepts with eastern chapels Ardchattan Priory Balmerino Abbey Cambuskenneth Abbey Coldingham Priory Culross Abbey Dundrennan Abbey *Glenluce Abbey Iona Abbey Kinloss Abbey Lindores Abbey Pluscarden Priory Sweetheart Abbey Deer Abbey Kilwinning Abbey 6 Symmetrically aisled choir beyond which rectangular presbytery projects *Arbroath Abbey Dryburgh Abbey Elgin Cathedral Jedburgh Abbey Melrose Abbey St Andrews Cathedral 7 Choir with full-length symmetrical aisles Edinburgh St Giles Collegiate Church *Haddington Collegiate Church Holyrood Abbey Kirkwall Cathedral Perth Parish Church Dundee Parish Church? St Andrews Parish Church? 8 Choir with full-length symmetrical aisles and lower eastern chapel *Dunfennline Abbey Whithorn Cathedral? 9 Choir with full-length symmetrical aisles, easter ambulatory and chapels *Glasgow Cathedral Roslin Collegiate Church Newbattle Abbey? 10 Aisle-less choir and aisle-less nave with eastern polygonal apse Aberdeen King's Collegiate Church Castle Semple Collegiate Church Crossraguel Abbey *St Andrews St Salvator's Collegiate Church 11 Aisle-less choir with transepts and with eastern polygonal apse Biggar Collegiate Church Dalkeith Collegiate Church *Seton Collegiate Church 12 Choir with full-length symmetrical aisles and with eastern polygonal apse Edinburgh Trinity Collegiate Church Linlithgow Parish Church Stirling Holy Rude Collegiate Church *Aberdeen St Nicholas' Collegiate Church The asterisks identify the plans nos. 1-12 Church plans: greater churches RF 372
medieval-atlas/the-church/373 Church plans from about 1120 to 1560 3FO 0000 ~0 0 0 0 0 ~:;::~::::,-;.:=====::> 30 feet 10 metres I. Aisle-less choir and aisle-less nave (Lis more Cathedral) Choir and nave with asymmetrically projecting chapels or aisles (Fortrose Cathedral) Aisle-less choir and symmetrically aisled nave (Dunblane Cathedral) Aisle-less choir with transepts (Dornoch Cathedral) Aisle-less choir and transepts with eastern chapels (Glenluce Abbey) Symmetrically aisled choir beyond which rectangular presbytery projects (Arbroath Abbey) Choir with full length symmetrical aisles (Haddington Collegiate Church) Choir with full length symmetrical aisles and lower eastern chapel (Dunfermline Abbey) Choir with full length symmetrical aisles, eastern ambulatory and chapels (Glasgow Cathedral) 10. Aisle-less choir and aisle-less nave with eastern polygonal apse (St Andrews St Salvator's Collegiate Church) 11. Aisle-less choir with transepts and eastern polygonal apse (Seton Collegiate Church) 12. Choir with full-length symmetrical aisles and with eastern polygonal apse (Edinburgh Trinity Collegiate Church) Church plans: greater churches RF 373
medieval-atlas/the-church/374 Church plans from about 1120 to 1560 Lesser churches Throughout the Middle Ages a clear majority of lesser churches were of rectangular plan, with no structural distinction between choir and nave. Whilst such simplicity might be combined with enrichment of architectural detail, it does give an indication of the relative impoverishment of the parochial network within the Scottish church. However, there were periods when the parishes attracted the increased generosity of patronage which made complex planning more widely possible. The most significant of these were the centuries between about 1120 and 1220 and between about 1450 and 1550; the former corresponds roughly with the phase of greatest momentum in the establishment of the Scottish parishes, and the latter with the growing disenchantment with the great religious institutions which fostered a more personal expression of religious devotion. In the first of these periods it is again clear that patrons in the lowland areas looked to England for architectural guidance. The careful articulation of nave and choir as an expression of the twin functions of a church was widely seen across the border, as were more sophisticated variants with a western bell tower or an eastern apse. But in the peripheral regions other sources may have been sought: whilst there are English parallels for the round church at Orphir or the cylindrical tower of Egilsay -both in Orkney -it seems possible that the builders were looking further afield. Most of these early parish churches or chapels were without flanking aisles, although the proliferation of cults and the emergence of a richer liturgy led to some of the burghs providing themselves with partly aisled churches from the later twelfth century onwards, as at Aberdeen or Crail. By the fifteenth century Scotland can no longer be viewed as part of an extended northern English architectural province. Whilst the clearest evidence for this is in architectural details, it is at least partly evident in certain aspects ofplanning. As in the greater churches the increasing use of polygonal apses from the mid-century onwards, for example, points to European influence, whilst the tendency to add lateral chapels represents the Scottish solution to a universal problem. .::d1 14 r.,---------........... •.. ---=~.:::: u;;~ Unaugmented rectangular plan (Auchindoir) 30 feet Simple two-cell plan (Duddingston) 10 metres Simple two-cell plan augmented by western tower (Stobo) Simple plan with semi-circular apse to choir (Dalmeny) Plan augmented by chapels or aisles (Muthill) Plan with more or less regular transeptal chapels (Tullibardine) Plan with polygonal apse to choir (Culross, SI. Mungo's) Church plans: lesser churches 374
medieval-atlas/the-church/375 Church plans from about 1120 to 1560 13 Unaugmented rectangular plan (too numerous to be depicted on map: example *Auchindoir) 14 Simple two-cell plan Baili vani sh Birnie Buittle Clow Crosskirk Cruggleton *Duddingston Dunrod Eilean Mor Gullane Haddington St Martin's Inchmarnock Keith Kilmahew Kirkaby Largs Linton Lundawi ck Meal Ness Noss Norwick Old Cambus Pierowall Preston Rothesay Bute St Blane's Sand Smailholm Uyea Westside Wyre Deer? Dron? Kirkmaiden? Legerwood? Linton(Roxburgh)? IS Simple two-cell plan augented by western tower Dunning Egilsay Eynhallow Southdean *Stobo Uphall Kirkliston Lasswade Monymusk St Andrews St Rule's (initial state)? 16 Simple plan with semi-circular apse to choir Birsay (Brough) Borthwick Bunkle *Dalmeny Edinburgh St Margaret's (Castle) Leuchars Orphir St Ninian's Isle Thurso Tyninghame 17 Plan augmented by chapels or aisles Aberdour Airth Airth Alyth Arbuthnott Burntisland Culross Cupar Douglas Dysart Eoropie Guthrie Hoddom Kilconquhar Killean Kinghorn Kirkbride Kirkcaldy *Muthill Pencaitland St Vigeans Strai ton DaIry Lanark Rutherglen 18 Plan with more or less regular transeptal chapels Cullingsburgh Rodel *Tullibardine Whitekirk 19 Plan with polygonal apse to choir *Culross St Mungo's Glasgow St Nicholas' Hospital Ladykirk Midcalder Terregles The asterisks identify the plans nos. 13-19 Church plans: lesser churches RF 375
medieval-atlas/the-church/376 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 Church plans/rom about 1120 to 1560 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 Pierowall 21 Westside 22 Eynhallow 23 Birsay 24 Egilsay 25 Wyre 26 Linton 27 Orphir 28 Crosskirk 29 Thurso 30 Clow 31 Eoropie 32 Rodel 33 Bailvanish 34 Bimie 35 Deer 36 Monymusk 37 Arbuthnot 38 Eilean Mor 12 Muthill (;> Tullibardine Dunning Alyth Guthrie St Vigeans Dron Leuchars St Andrews Cupar Kilconquhar Airth Dysart Kirkcaldy Aberdour Burntisland Kinghom Culross Dalmeny Gullane Whitekirk Tynninghame Kilmahew Rothesay Inchmamock Largs Glasgow Rutherglen 1 fl Uphall ~~ Kirkliston ~ M;da.ld
medieval-atlas/the-church/377 Shrines, hermitages and pilgrimages The shrines marked on the first map are the places where the relics or tombs of saints, mainly the national saints of Scotland, were located according to the beliefs of the fifteenth century. By then some relics, particularly pastoral staffs of the 'Celtic' saints, had passed into secular hands (usually those ofa hereditary 'dewar') and such relics, which were often itinerant, are not denoted on the map. Going on pilgrimage was a popular pastime in medieval Scotland. Abroad the most popular destinations were Rome, Compostella, Amiens and, for the adventurous few, the Holy Land. In Scotland major centres ofpilgrimage were Tain, St Andrews, Dunfermline, Glasgow and Whithom, but short local pilgrimages were even more popular. Indulgences were widely available and by the mid-fifteenth century could be obtained at most monasteries, cathedrals, collegiate, burgh and even parish churches. Bridge building was often begun or encouraged by the clergy, and chapels for the use of pilgrims and travellers were frequently sited near these bridges, for example, on the Tay at Perth, the Forth o at Stirling and on the Tweed near Peebles. Where there was no bridge the pilgrims went by ferry, the most famous being the Queensferry for pilgrims crossing the Forth to Dunfermline and St Andrews. The most important local centres are shown on the second map but the map cannot conveniently show every ecclesiastical centre (along with a multitude of holy wells and crosses) that drew its quota of pilgrims. There is very little evidence on Scottish hermitages. Those represented on the first map appear in a variety of source material ranging in date from the twelfth to the Tain (Duthac)CJi2/ seventeenth centuries, which rarely gives any indication of Fearn :1 'Holyman Head' the precise location ofthe hermitages mentioned. However, _ ,~Nlman~ 0 Duffus ~berdour(Droslan) 'd h . d) t;;~ ~ Findhorn ~ -..• ')h enoug eVI ence as survive )~ Aosemarkie (Boniface,MOlrAberchirder (Marnan) ag) to suggest that hermIts earned) • Applecross (~aelrubha\ ~~D '-/ 1\ _ ) outmuchthesamerolesinScot-) lA ~ Ardclach ---'I land as they did elsewhere. !0 ./ LOC?!/MOY I IJQpy Besides providing shelter for ~ r' pilgrims and other travellers j . Finlray (Modan) they tended shrines (as at Dalmalk (Mazola Aberdeen (Fergus, Andrew, elc) Musselburgh), manned ferries \..-Kinc~Banchory (Devenick) (as at Ardclach on the (Merchard) Banch~ry (Ternan) Findhorn), and apparently ~. ~ordoun (Palladius) found another more unusual 0 Kilgarie function in Scotland as coast watchers (as at Seacliff and pre_) ./JJ ~Glamis JFergus) sumably other coastal sites). 7 tY(, Dunkeld (Columbia) Popular belief in the, • SI Fillan's Shrine ( ~~onJ;0rgan (Modwena) efficacy of the shnnes did not ~P1lrth:'Scone immediately die with the Ref-Q (Eloi) (Fergus) StAndrews (Andrew, Regulus, Fergus) ormation. In 1581 parliament I~USS ......... ~(MorocL _ ~Monance (Monan) had still to legislate againsttj n .(Kessog) Logie KincafdineYoia'i1'j41 • Isle of May (Adrian elc.) RosneSl.lh • Dunfermline F'd 'the dregges of Idolatrie, that (Modanr Bannockbum • M . t) I ra . :::::? • \ argare ~eaclIff remanis in divers pairtes of the Kilmun ampsie • Culros!L I . _In~colm OWnilekirk . . . Muiid (Machan) (Serf) Res a ng realme, be USing of pllgnmage \} nChinnan~ , (Tnduana) L Ch I 11' 11' (C 11) Edinburgh' oretto ape to sum chappe IS, we IS, onva G asgQ.w (Giles, EIo;', etc.) . emm. "d ,'e ,oh" ~ p'.Ch""Ik," "'" '"'",". ',.L;;.. . . , '" ,,(Mlrren) . 9, Burncastie monumenus of Idolatne . i~e Peebles (Holy Cross) CUfTlbrae (Beya) Lesmahagow . ~~/ ,:' ~ac_h,:!~us) _ , . K1lbr~\ -K'""-l L(/:r o Over Kelw~' • Shrines (with name of saint commemOZJrted) c~~~~ - Conjectured sites underlined ?t----..~... 0~....--7,5..".--__.100 2,5....-~..,;,..,... ... o 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles JDG,IB Shrines and hermitages from about 1100 to 1560 377
medieval-atlas/the-church/378 Shrines, hermitages and pilgrimages ~Bemeray Dundee ~ ~rt~=··= ~~tAndrews ~ StMonance . ~ ~elsle of May Culross _ D~fermllne ~Io!,.r ~~Whitekirk .. e Restalrig Inchinnan lInllthgow . ~DUnglaSS ~ Edlnburg~loretto Chapel G:'~ 0 kms •Major centres of pilgrimage 0 25, 50,, 75, , 100 , , e Other places 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles JDG,m Pilgrimages from about 1100 to 1560 378
medieval-atlas/the-church/379 Courts spiritual The church in pre-Reformation Scotland exercised jurisdiction over might also delegate the whole or part of their jurisdiction to comalmost every aspect of human affairs; and the ecclesiastical or spirmissaries. In the diocese of Dunkeld the five parishes south of the itual courts were among the most important in the land. The bishop Forth were the territory of the commissary 'south of Forth.' There and other ecclesiastical office-holders had jurisdiction as part of were also commissaries of peculiar jurisdictions which pertained to their office. The bishop seldom exercised his jurisdiction in person an institution like Kelso Abbey, Lesmahagow, or to a cathedral prebbut generally delegated it to a judge known as the official, who had end. This explains, to some extent, the number of commissariats power over the whole or a territorially limited part of the diocese. within the diocese of Glasgow, such as Hamilton, Kilbride, Campsie, Thus, in the diocese of St Andrews there was in addition to the Camwath, Manor, Stobo, Cardross, Douglas, Renfrew. official of St Andrews an official of Lothian. Sometimes the bishop chose to grant jurisdiction to a commissary whose commission could ~ ~ be coextensive with the diocese or territorially limited. Officials Q:j ~{!!J . r;;c!Jv~ ~Orkney C?'-1461 \1J ~Kirkwall Shetland 1545 Caithness 1398 ~moch Ross 1451 Moray 1233 Aberdeen + Aberdeen 1175 x 1199 Brechin 1202 x 1214 Dunkeld Brechin+ 1203 x 1210 +Dunkeld c?P~ ~more Mit1l1422) Is es or ~Argyll1240 StAndrews Sodor 1235x41 Q j;:tJ Dunblane --.r1~ 1266 ~St~A~n~d,,--,reTw~s 1194 .J( tJ Loclawe) Stirling J Cowall41O' Chapel Royal "0\"\'" + 1511 Lothian l392 Bute Glasgow() '\ Glasgow 1175x1189 & Arran Dumfries 1494 Galloway 1209x1222 Parines & Rhinns 1552 ~""~hithom Qn1219 Orkney Officials with jurisdiction coextensive with the diocese Shetland Officials with territorially limited jurisdiction + Episcopal sees kms 0 25 50 75 100 1219 Date of first known evidence for the I office 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Pre-Reformation officials DBS 379
medieval-atlas/the-church/380 Courts spiritual ~)J Orkney 1504 Caithness 152 Inverness 1522 Moray 1464 Aberdeen 1446 Brechin 1493 Dunkeld 1467 '-mlnM,j,,; 1556. Monkland 1555 Lothian 145 Glasgow 1486 .Currie H(1m(lton 1513· C;arnwath 1543 South 9· orth Ktl~;::::h~~~~. 1521.Manor 1511.1?p5 x 513 Douglas Stobo 1433 Kelso. 1550 1516 Teviotdale1492 Orkney Commissaries with jurisdiction coextensive with the diocese Stirling Commissaries with territorially limited jurisdiction • Seat of commissary, where known kms 100 0 25 50 75 1447 Date of first known evidence for the office I 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Pre-Reformation cOnlmissaries DBS 380
medieval-atlas/the-church/381 Courts spiritual The abolition of the jurisdiction of the church courts by the Scottish parliament on 24 August 1560 created a judicial vacuum. For over three years the citizens did not know to which court to apply for the remedies which had formerly been sought in the courts spiritual. There is evidence of resort being made to kirk sessions, sheriff courts, the lords ofcouncil and session, and the privy council. Partly to alleviate. this and partly to obtain revenue from the "quot silver" (the fee exacted for the confirmation of executors of deceased persons) so that the salaries of the lords of council and session might be augmented, a new system of spiritual courts, known as the commissary courts, was established in 1564. Inferior commissary courts were set up throughout the country to deal with spiritual cases, mainly the confirmation of executors, and the exaction of quots, and the commissary court of Edinburgh was given in addition to this ordinary jurisdiction within its area exclusive jurisdiction over the whole of Scotland in cases of divorce and nullity of marriage. The Edinburgh court, which was manned by four commissaries, was given the right to determine not only appeals from the inferior commissaries, but also from the decisions of pre-Reformation ecclesiastical judges; and it had the exclusive right to confirm the executors of Scots citizens who died abroad. The records as to inferior commissaries are far from complete: it is difficult to determine the date at which the various commissariats were erected, and it appears that some pre-Reformation commissaries remained in, or were continued in, office. It will be seen from the maps that the new commissariats were generally set up in places where either an official or commissary had sat before the Reformation. The last commissariat to be established was Peebles in 1609. In the period between 1564 and 1609 there are references to commissariats such as Jedburgh, Melrose and Stobo, but none of these survived into the seventeenth century. By 1609 there were twenty-one inferior courts and the commissary court of Edinburgh. All of these continued until their jurisdiction was transferred to the Court of Session and the sheriff courts in the course of the nineteenth century. ~
medieval-atlas/the-church/382 Ecclesiastical organisation: early post-Reformation The reformers' resolution in 1560 to discard the entire edifice of medieval ecclesiastical organisation by substituting a new mode of government through councils, modelled on the early church, was effected with remarkable promptitude. The fust Book of Discipline spoke eloquently of the spiritual, educational and social needs of congregations made up of the inhabitants of each parish, of which there were about one thousand in the country. Yet this emphasis was never pennitted to obscure the needs of the wider church or negate the advice forthcoming from neighbouring ministers; and by 1560 direction from the centre was forthcoming in the general assembly which linked the network of local congregations. Regional reorganisation followed when the authors of the Book of Discipline put their proposals fust to a general assembly in December 1560 and then to the secular authorities in January and February 1561. Supervision of congregations and ministers was entrusted to superintendent ministers, charged essentially with the task of caring for Christian communities and extending the work ofevangelism throughout the districts assigned to their charge. They were expected to work along with a court made up of the kirk session of their main town of residence, and they remained responsible to a provincial synod meeting twice a year. Their ten provinces were given boundaries drawn on a basis at variance with the thirteen old pre-Reformation dioceses whose uneven size and erratic boundaries were rejected by the reformers as a hindrance to effective supervision. The curious mixture of place-names and territorial names allocated as titles to the new provinces may reflect discrepancies in the composition of the Book of Discipline as it underwent revision and expansion during 1560. There was nothing indeterminate, however, about the towns which were to be the new regional centres for the kirk-except in Argyll, where no decision was forthcoming. Only six of the former diocesan seats were to be used, and reliance was placed elsewhere on burghs more closely associated with the main routes of communication. Singularly scant regard was paid to the interests of the three bishops who conformed to the Reformation and undertook service-Gordon of Galloway, Stewart of Caithness, and Bothwell of Orkney. From 1561 onwards elections for the superintendents were held. Spottiswoode was appointed to Edinburgh in March, and Winram to St Andrews in April. Willock was chosen for Glasgow by September, Erskine of Dun was formally admitted to Brechin early in 1567 and Carswell was subsequently found at work as superintendent in Argyll. Spottiswoode remained parish minister of Mid Calder, and shared his time between there and Edinburgh where he had his court. Erskine seems to have found his home at Dun a convenient base for his work, though no doubt he was expected to work with the kirk session at Brechin on any disciplinary cases affecting his province. Cars well made Camassarie Castle his centre ofadministration, but was presumably obliged to act with some kirk session in his province when holding court. Shortage of finance and a lack of political initiative effectively ended the prospect of further appointment beyond these five. The general assembly therefore resorted to its own strategy of appointing ministers to act as commissioners of provinces. They held office for short, if renewable, terms before returning to their parish ministries. The three conforming bishops received commissions, as did other ministers selected by the assembly, to act as temporary overseers. The provincial boundaries were frequently adjusted during the 1560s to take account of local needs, especially from 1567 when superintendents and commissioners became the recognised agents for receiving presentations to benefices. By about that date this system of supervision by nine commissioners and five superintendents extended over most of the country, with only parts of the border country deprived of regular visitations. The financial compromise worked out between Crown and kirk at Leith in 1572 introduced a novel dimension, in that ministers appointed to bishoprics (as a means of gaining access to the revenues) were expected at least to share the duties of oversight with the existing superintendents and commissioners, even if they never wholly superseded their work. The old diocesan organisation was now revived, with all the handicaps that this implied, and the assorted supervisors were expected to act within it. In the end the difficulties experienced in trying to revitalise this ancient machinery were resolved in 1576 with the eclipse of the bishops from any distinctive role in ecclesiastical administration. This followed the assembly's decision to scrap the old dioceses and substitute in their place two dozen or so smaller, more manageable districts (not mapped), each entrusted to a commissioner or visitor answerable to the assembly. This renewed emphasis on smaller districts received a further stimulus with the assembly's approval of the Second Book of Discipline's programme. It decided in 1581 to establish thirteen model presbyteries in the main towns of the lowlands. These were clusters of neighbouring churches to form a common eldershi p with responsibility for supervising the welfare of congregations in the district. They were built on groupings of rural parishes around a nearby town which was the centre for meetings of ministers for the exercise of interpreting the scripture. Such occasions naturally led to the exchange of news and views, and had already been used sometimes for the transaction of administrative business. Now the two activities of prophesying and attending to the shared business of neighbouring kirks coalesced in the 'eldership' or presbytery. Both privy council and assembly worked together in 1581 to dismantle the old dioceses in favour of a scheme for eighteen new dioceses or provinces, excluding Argyll and the Isles, which were intended to contain over fifty presbyteries within them. As the plans took effect some modifications ensued (as for example in the case ofStirling presbytery). But the experiment was soon eclipsed in 1584 when a government under the earl ofArran with more conservative instincts outlawed presbyteries in favour of a return to episcopal oversight. After Arran's fall from power, the assembly in 1586 assented to a scheme designed to reconcile King James' preference for bishops with the kirk's attachment to presbyteries. The king retained his right to appoint ministers to bishoprics but the duty of visitation was not to lie with them, but rather with ministers who had obtained from the assembly temporary commissions to act as visitors of provinces which were not co-terminous with the old dioceses. No less than 985 churches (excluding Argyll and the Isles) were listed and arranged in twenty-two new provinces so that presbyteries could be re-established. These provinces were: Shetland (32 churches), Orkney (39), Caithness (13), Sutherland (9), Ross (63) Moray (52), Banff (35), Aberdeen (70), Angus and Meams (88), Perth (36), Dunkeld (30), Dunblane (20), Stirling (23), Fife (62), West Lothian (16), Edinburgh (34), Haddington (54), Merse, Teviotdale and Tweeddale (74), Clydesdale, Renfrew and Lennox (76), Cunninghame, Kyle and Carrick (46), Galloway (45), and Dumfries (68). The assembly did its best to undermine any role for the bishops in ecclesiastical administration and as a consequence an essentially presbyterian system prevailed in the years between 1586 and 1592, when parliament affirmed the role and jurisdiction of presbyteries and other courts of the church. The general assembly had its origin in a gathering of Protestants who convened in the capital in July 1560. The occasion was a service of worship and thanksgiving in St Giles kirk for the recent Protestant victory and the treaty of Edinburgh, sealed on 8 July. After worship some business was transacted, to arrange for the approval of some appointments to the reformed ministry. The 'Reformation parliament' opened on 10 July, and it was to be a characteristic of some future assemblies also that a meeting was arranged so that parliament might conveniently be lobbied on the kirk's behalf. Some assemblies were called at other times and in other places from those to which parliament was called. They tended to meet twice-yearly, which was more frequently than parliaments or even conventions of estates. They claimed to meet by Christ's authority and retained until 1584 the right to appoint their own meeting place and time for convening, though from 1586 onward they were usually summoned by royal proclamation. The great majority of meetings were held in Edinburgh; but warfare or other considerations might force a venue elsewhere as at Stirling, Leith, St Andrews and Perth in 1571-2. King James' determination to manipulate the assembly to his own advantage led him to assert a right to . determine where and when it was to meet. In later years he exploited this tactical advantage to the full. He favoured less militant northern towns as meeting-places, and was ready at short notice to prorogue or change its meeting-place. Such were the strenuous efforts at managing his later assemblies summoned between 1605 and 1618 that the opposition considered the meetings 'unfree' and 'pretended', and so declined to recognise them as valid assemblies. After 1618 J ames refused to summon further general assemblies and Charles I followed his father's action. Only with the covenanting crisis was it possible to hold assemblies again. The Glasgow assembly of 1638 met with the king's assent, but continued its sitting in defiance of the king's commissioner. Aberdeen was selected by Charles for the assembly that met in 1640 in the forlorn hope that royalism in the area would influence the assembly's proceedings. Though assemblies were held atStAndrews in 1641, 1642 and 1651, most assemblies between 1643 and 1653 were located in Edinburgh. This was the pattern that was to be re-established in 1690 after the Revoiution when general assemblies, placed in abeyance since 1653 (when Cromwell prevented further meetings), were permitted to reconvene. 382 JK
medieval-atlas/the-church/383 Ecclesiastical organisation: early post-Reformation The boundaries of parishes which controlled the fluctuating boundamany of the maps here. As in any case parish boundaries can be estabries of higher units of ecclesiastical organisation between 1560 and lished and shown only in broad outline in maps of this scale, it should be 1707 were themselves subject to changes as some parishes were appreciated that the boundaries of the higher units of organisation at divided and others united. But for convenience the boundaries of different dates after 1560 are generally indicative rather than exact. parishes in the early eighteenth century are used as the base for Places marked are the proposed sites of the residences of the superintendents No seat was designated for province of Argyll Proposed provinces for superintendents 1560 to 1561 0 I 0 25 10 20 kms 50 30 miles 75 50 100 60 JK 383
medieval-atlas/the-church/384 Ecclesiastical organisation: early post-Reformation o I 25 o 10 20 Provinces of superintendents and commissioners about 1567 kms 50 30 miles 75 50 100 60 JK 384
medieval-atlas/the-church/385 Ecclesiastical organisation: early post-Reformation Orkney ~Thelsles Cd Dunkeld IIIIIIIIIII B rech in WHmH Dunblane 1882 Diocese uncertain kms 0 .25, 5,0 7? 100 , , , , 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Diocesan structure as renewed 1572 JK 385
medieval-atlas/the-church/386 Ecclesiastical organisation: early post-Reformation It is not certain whether Eaglesham belonged to Irvine or Glasgow kms 0 25 5,0 7;; 100 presbytery. and Denny to Stirling or I . , , , , Linlithgow presbytery. 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Thirteen model preshyteries 1581 JK 386
medieval-atlas/the-church/387 Ecclesiastical organisation: early post-Reformation Shetland 11' (32) IIJ'S ;,.,1} . .;. Dunkeld Provinces of commissioners 1586 Argyll and the Isles were kms excluded from this scheme 0 2,5 50 75 100 (30) Number of churches I , ,, , , , in province 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Provinces of commissioners 1586 JK 387
medieval-atlas/the-church/388 Ecclesiastical organisation: early post-Reformation The figures in brackets show the number of meetings in each place o I o General assemblies and conventions of the kirk 1560 to 1653 25 10 20 kms 50 i i 30 miles 75 i i 50 100 i 60 JK 388
medieval-atlas/the-church/389 Ecclesiastical organisation: the early seventeenth century As part of the process by which lames gradually restored the authority ofbishops, the thirteen ancient dioceses as fleetingly restored in 1572 were by 1610 once more the recognised units of regional oversight. Synods were still held twice-yearly, but now with bounds coterminous with diocesan boundaries (though StAndrews had two synods for north and south of the Forth, and Glasgow apparently had three, meeting at Glasgow, Irvine and Peebles) and with the bishops as constant moderators. At the same time the king accepted the continuing utility of presbyteries as indispensable units ofadministration. The royal chancery accepted them as an appropriate agency for examining and admitting candidates presented to benefices in the king's patronage; and the exchequer also followed the practice of listing ministers' stipends not according to dioceses but in the form of presbyterial districts. The number of presbyteries continued to grow, and by the early seventeenth century they were operating with varying efficiency throughout the country. The coexistence of presbyteries with the diocesan structure for oversight and administration led to some anomalies, for presbyterial boundaries could not readily be accommodated to suit diocesan requirements. Most parishes in Perth presbytery, for example, lay within the diocese of St Andrews, but half a dozen parishes lay within Dunkeld, and four within Dunblane diocese. To add to the air of inconsistency, the moderator of the presbytery was the bishop of Dunkeld, who was also minister of St Madoes parish belonging to Dunblane diocese The archbishop of St Andrews, who kept in close touch with the presbytery through correspondence, supervised admissions to churches in his diocese, but often devolved the duties of ordination and admission to the presbytery and its bishop-moderator, whereas the bishop of Dunkeld took charge of admitting a minister to parishes like Forgandenny and Redgorton which lay within his diocese though in Perth presbytery. This confusing administrative pattern in 1607 paved the way for the period of full episcopal ascendancy, 1610-38; and by 1633 a fourteenth diocese, Edinburgh, was created o,ut of that portion of St Andrews diocese south of the Forth. Presbyteries continued without a break to play their role under episcopal guidance. The fully developed system as expressed in the canons of 1636 fulfilled the ideal of the bishop in presbytery, in which effective power and initiative lay with the bishop, and presbyteries acted as his executive agents. The Glasgow assembly of 1638 abolished bishops, and the old dioceses were once again discarded as units of oversight and visitation. The country was divided instead into fifteen provinces, each of which was to be governed by a twice-yearly synod or provincial assembly and within their own districts by the constituent presbyteries assigned to each province. The plan was to establish no fewer than 67 presbyteries each with its elected moderator; and by the early 1640s as many as 64 are known to have been active. Only in Argyll and the Isles were the plans of 1638 partly frustrated. Elsewhere the presbyterian structure was resumed with vigour, and despite the distraction of civil war further presbyteries were to be added (such as Biggar in 1644). The aim of 1638 to return to the earlier presbyterial model was achieved in all essentials. 389
medieval-atlas/the-church/390 Ecclesiastical organisation: the early seventeenth century Shetland Records happen to survive which prove the existence of 49 presbyteries in 1607. At least one more presbytery is known to have existed in the Western Isles, but no detailed records are available to show what was happening in either Argyll or the Isles in general. Another presbytery appears to have existed in the south between kms Dumfries and Jedburgh presbyteries, where a block of parishes is 0 I 25. , 50 ,, 75, , 100 , not mentioned in the record. Presbyteries 1607 miles 390
medieval-atlas/the-church/391 Ecclesiastical organisation: the early seventeenth century Ross Province Ayr Seat of presbytery The general assembly records of 1642 and 1643 show how far the plans enacted in 1638 for re-erecting a Presbyterian polity had progres~ed by then. The expected separate province of the Isles had not materialised; and by 1644 at latest the province of Ayr and Irvine had been detached from Glasgow Provinces and seats of presbyteries 1642 to 1643 0 I 0 2,5 , 10 20 kms 50,, 30 miles 75, , 50 100 , 60 JK 391
medieval-atlas/the-church/392 Covenanter dominance Open defiance of Charles I's religious policies flfst appeared in the disturbances in Edinburgh churches against the new Prayer Book on 23 1uly 1637. The opposition movement then turned to organising itself through supplications or petitions against the Book. The first group of these supplications, the four presented to the privy council on 23 August, were inspired by David Dickson, ministeroflrvine. In the month that followed preparing supplications became widespread in Ayrshire and Fife, and on 20 September, 69 were delivered to the council, one being a general supplication signed by nobles and others who had gathered in Edinburgh. Of the 68 local petitions, 47 survive (originals or copies), and these are plotted on this map along with the August supplications, and Edinburgh's, which were presented on 26 September. The majority are unsigned, and the definitions of those submitting them varies greatly. The42 issued in the names ofparishes and/or burghs mention various combinations of elders, sessions, ~h'n"", ~hl"~"'m;";"~ (in 14 cases) and, in the case of royal burghs, magistrates, councils and communities as being the parties involved in supplicating. It is, however, possible that many ofthe petitions exaggerate the extent of local support behind them. Some may have been presented before being approved -that of the burgh of Stirling was not approved by the burgh council until 25 September -but as many of the survixing petitions are undated, it may be that some were not presented until some days after 20 September. The supplications were presented at a very early stage in the development of what was soon to become the covenanting movement, but already Fife and Ayrshire have clearly emerged as the heartlands of support that they were to remain during the years that the covenanters ruled Scotland. Strong support was also to emerge in other areas of southern and central Scotland, and in some parts of the north; but the map clearly indicates that it was ministers and laymen in these two shires who set the example of organised local opposition for other areas to follow. ( ~ 115 6,20... 4~ 42 3\ ~5 ;15 ~.4,QI'10 ... ~ ~l-9,50 1 ., 3,30 -t~~.3~?7 . ) ,12'" ~ .19 ) 19. Cumnock 44 20. Cupar 21. Dailly ~:8· ..~~) 22. Dairy 23. Dumbarton 24. Dundonald .17 ./\ ·13 25. Dunlop ... Presbytery 7. Haddington 26. Edinburgh (26 Sept.) Parish and! or burgh 8. Perth 27. Galston Presbytery, and 9. Stirling 28. Girvan parish and lor burgh 29. Glasgow Parishes and I or Burghs, Sept. 1637 30. Lrvine Presbyteries, Aug. 1637 10. Abercrombie 31. Kennoway I. Ayr (minority) II . Ardrossan 32. Kilbimie Glasgow 12. Ayr 33. Kilmaurs Lrvine 13. Ballantrae 34. Kilmamock SI. Andrews (minority) 14. Beith 35. Kilwinning 15. Cambee kms Presbyteries, Sept. 1637 16. Camwath o 25 50 Auchterarder 17. Colmonell I Cupar 18. Culross 0 10 20 30 miles Supplications against the Prayer Book 1637 392 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42 . 43 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. Kinglassie Kirkmichael Kirkoswald Lanark Largo Largs Leslie Leuchars Maybole Newbum Rosneath Scoonie Stevenston Stewarton Stirling Straiton West Kilbride 75, , 100
medieval-atlas/the-church/393 Covenanter dominance In the Glasgow Assembly (21 November to 20 December 1638) the covenanters and that so few withdrew on Hamilton's orders, all covenanters overthrew the royal control over the church built up by indicate the success the covenanters had had in dominating elections lames VI and Charles I. Archbishops and bishops were abolished -either through genuine support or, in some areas, through intimidaand a presbyterian system ofgovernment established, innovations in tion and other malpractices. The almost total lack of members from forms of worship and in doctrine also being rejected. the Highlands, except for Argyll and the eastern fringes, reflects the Elections to the assembly were organised by the covenantlack oforganisation of the church in much of the north and west; and ers, who laid down that membership should consist of three ministhe limited representation ofthe north-east reflects the distribution of ters and one elder from each presbytery, one burgess from each royal presbyteries and royal burghs as much as lack of enthusiasm for the burgh (two from Edinburgh), and a representative ofeach university. Covenant. This map indicates the number of members (if any) sent by each presbytery who attended throughout. Others withdrew on the orders of the king's commissioner, or were commissioned but evidently did not attend; in yet other cases the member's commission was rejected. o attempt has been made to indicate cases in which com missions were rejected because they did not conform to the rules laid down for representation (the university of Glasgow's commission to four members instead of one, Rothesay's attempt to constitute a separate presbytery, the commission to a second elder from Orkney). The facts that so few commissions were rejected, that only two of the members thus rejected were excluded as opponents 0J omoch MME Tain _~ MMMEBU Elgin ~n~nonrf1.s;. MM::.:.r ".~ _ ?~~~~~ Deer ~nve~ ' Aberlou _ fiLr-.. -MMME J MM£B /. trathboiie ~ ~EllaFz / ) Carioch bemeth -) ~~lfo~M' ~ ( 5 -MMME berdeen7Kincardine Q'Nel 7MMEU ~M../ o Fordoun -MMME ~. / ,/] Brechin B c??/~ Du--;(k;(d Meigle ForfarC ./JJ ~MME MME"-----MMMEB t76 " Arbroath Perth undee ~MMMEB MMEB Auchterariier C ~SI Andrews Q MMME _ upar _ MMMEBBBBBB Argyll -Dunbif{ne MMMEB /' r131M MMMe~Stirling ...r--'fiirkcaldy /...f M~MEB, eMMMEBBBB • ~ ~ . ~.pnfermlin~ Dunbar ~J ~~ Linlithgow~MMM{,BjJ/{ ftMMMEBB NMM~~.,_.. ~la~~::EBE~inburg~ J -Haddin8to~ ~~ Pazsley _ MMk!~I!{J MMMEBBj) -. MMMEB \ MEB ~amilton ~ fJalkellh _ Clprnside MMMEIJ
medieval-atlas/the-church/394 Covenanter dominance In the wake of a political and ecclesiastical revolution the Covenanters between 1638 and 1651 purged their episcopalian and other opponents among the ministry of the kirk. As a crude index of the growth of persecution and bitterness 236 depositions are plotted on this map to show their chronological and geographical pattern. This is a minimum figure based on the surviving evidence. Perhaps as many as 10% of these depositions may have been for reasons other than persecution (such as immorality or inadequacy), yet interesting patterns emerge. The years 1638-40 saw systematic deposition in the south of opponents of the Covenanters (78 depositions, 52 in 1639). It was most severe where there was majority support for the Covenanters but also a substantial minority opposed to them -Edinburgh, St Andrews, Glasgow and Ayr. There was little taste for deposing colleagues in the north, and when purging came there later (if at all), it was on the initiative ofthe general assembly rather than ofthe local courts. There was a lull during 1641-3 with only 15 scattered depositions. More systematic purging came during 1644-7, mainly ofministers who showed support for, or more commonly insufficient active hostility to, royalist revolts (8 depositions). Finally in 164851 purging became more intense than ever before (105 cases, 52 in 1649) as the extremist Kirk Party regime purged the more moderate ministers who had supported the Engagers' invasion of England in 1648, and also those in the far north who had failed to denounce Montrose's landing in 1650. Then as bitter fighting of factions followed among the Kirk Party in the face of moderate and royalist revival, in 1651 for the first time ministers (3) were deposed for being too extreme rather than too moderate, as the majority faction of Revolutions sought to subdue their Protester opponents. ~ ~ f:j ~rf!:P c!}~ Kirkwall (1 8 , xooo 0000 0000 FIFE Synods Perth Presbyteries 6. One minister deposed 1638-40 o 1641~ x 1644-7 kms o 1648-51 0 25, 50 75 100 I I i I I I I In 1644 the presbytery of Biggar was 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 detached from Lanark and Peebles miles presbyteries, and all of it included in DS Depositions of ministers 1638 to 1651 Lothian synod. 394
medieval-atlas/the-church/395 The Restoration to the Revolution During the Restoration period 1661-89 episcopacy and the ancient dioceses were restored. Presbyteries continued to meet (though shorn of their elders), but the provincial synods of the presbyterian polity disappeared. For the purpose of historical investigation and comparison, however, it is useful to analyse evidence from this period area by area corresponding to the regions of the earlier and later presbyterian synods, rather than the confused and ephemeral dioceses. The boundaries shown on the maps of this period here have therefore only a hypothetical existence. They are based on those of the early eighteenth century on. Attempts to enforce the Restoration Church Settlement of 1661 which re-established episcopacy resulted in the state's handling of 383 cases of nonconformity involving 809 illegal conventicles. The map which depicts the regional distribution and intensity of conventicling prosecutions according to the meetings' locations as cited in the privy council records therefore reflects not only official interest in suppressing conventicles but the geographic diversity of the activity itself. Ross (0.4%) Moray (1%) Certain areas came under more intense official scrutiny. While traditional areas of protestant radicalism such as the synod of Glasgow and Ayr in the south-west contained a substantial number (117 cases) of the conventicles detected, the majority were found on the east coast in the synods of Fife (189) and in Lothian and Tweeddale (194). Conversely, little or no conventicling activity was reported in the more conservative north, most notably beyond the Moray Firth. Of all the conventicles cited in the council records, 64 have no location specified. But the intensity of prosecutions in particular regions was not predicated on the indigenous religiosity of the area alone. Certainly, the presence of sympathetic heritors in a strong, covenanting region like the south-west could offer some protection to the nonindulged clergy from the central authorities; however, their influence could be circumscribed if they lacked sufficient political clout with the court and council officials or in the face of competing interests with town councils and bishops in regions containing royal burghs or episcopal sees. Aberdeen (0.6%) Dumfries (1.4%) Percentage of conventicles' ~~~Igto synod) under 2% 2-4.9% 5-9.9% 10-14.9% over 15% o I (' based on privy council cases of meetings) o ConventicIing: prosecutions 1666 to 1685 25 , 10 20 kms 50 30 miles 75 , 50 100 60 MS 395
medieval-atlas/the-church/396 The Restoration to the Revolution Official interest in the apprehension and conviction of conventiclers resulted in the citation of 1901 individuals by the privy council between 1666 and 1685. But the pattern of these prosecutions was neither regular nor static. There was a considerable fluctuation in the rate of conventiclers prosecuted in each synod over the four pe- Ross (0.1%) Moray (0.4%) riods specified as well as a significant change in the national pattern with respect to the regional distribution of the prosecutions. Irregular and haphazard policing of the problem which varied widely across the country plus periodic firm action in 1670, 1674,1677,1680 and 1683 account for much of these differences. Aberdeen (1.4%) c:L Percentage of laity named and Wciteiconviling I 1666-70 1671-75 1676-80 1681-85 Figures in brackets refer to the cumulative percentage of prosecuted conventiclers in each synod, 1666-85. The privy council named and cited only one person for conventicling before 1666 and none after 1685. kms o 25 50 75 100 3. In 2.9% of the cases, no location is specified. , ,, , , , I , o 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Conventicling: the laity 1666 to 1685 MS 396
medieval-atlas/the-church/397 The Restoration to the Revolution Between 1666 and 1685 the privy council processed 541 cases of illegal preaching which involved the citation -often mUltiple -of 159 ministers; that is, almost one-fifth of the Scottish clergy. Although a significant proportion (17.4%) of the radical ministry were from the west coast, a similar number came from the south of Scotland (J 7.1 %) and 40% were from the eastern synods of Fife and Lothian and Tweeddale. Moreover, the rate of ministerial prosecutions while numerically variable was proportionally consistent over Ross (0.6%) Moray (1.3%) !.......i=':::::! Perth (10.1%) Percentage of ministers cited for Wiventii I 1666-70 1671-75 1676-80 1681-85 1. Figures in brackets refer to the cumulative percentage of ministers cited in each synod, 1666-85. the four periods specified: for example, Lothian and Tweeddale had the highest rate of prosecutions compared to the other synods throughout the Restoration. Official interest in the suppression of conventicle preaching intensified during the latter half of the 1670s when two-thirds of the total number of ministers accused during the whole period were charged. This suggests that the government crackdown on the activities of the non-indulged clergy was a major contributing factor to the outbreak of the rebellion in 1679. 2. The privy council cited only 4 ministers for kms conventicle preaching prior to 1666 and none after 1685. o 25 50 75 100 , ,, , , , . 3. In 5.3% of the cases, no location is specified. 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 milesConventicling: the clergy 1666 to 1685 MS 397
medieval-atlas/the-church/398 The Restoration to the Revolution With the Indulgences of 1669, 1672 and 1678, the Caroline government gave outed ministers the opportunity to return to their clerical duties under certain licensing conditions which included the common provisions that they refrain from conventicling, recognise the church hierarchy, and receive collation from their diocesan bishop. By December of 1679, 149 ministers had accepted one of the pardons -in1669 43, in 1672 91, and in 1678 15 -and had been settled Auchterarder Dunblane 01011 11010 in 115 vacant parishes, many of which had been formerly occupied by the newly indulged incumbent. While the majority of the indulged clergy (63%) were from the western synod of Glasgow and Ayr, a significant number were from other regions of the country including 11 % from the eastern synods of Fife and Lothian and Tweeddale; 14% from the border synods of Merse and Teviotdale, Dumfries, and Galloway; and 12% from the northern synods of Angus and Mearns, Argyll, and Perth. In each presbytery the number of ministers who accepted the indulgences of 1669, 1672 and 1678 respectively is shown e.g. Irvine 8/24/0. None of the other presbyteries had any indulged ministers. kms o I 25 , 50 ,, 75, , 100 miles The Caroline indulgences of 1669, 1672 and 1678 MS 398
medieval-atlas/the-church/399 The Restoration to the Revolution For the presbyterian clergy, the proclamation of toleration in 1687 offered an equitable solution to the problem of nonconformity by enabling both conventicle preachers and the government to modify their respective approaches to the controversial question of Erastianism. On the one hand, the ministers accepted a degree of state authority in church matters by agreeing to make public announcements of their worship services as required by law. On the other hand, by dispensing with the practice of licensing ministers, the state in effect recognised prayer meetings held outwith the established church. How successful this compromise was may be judged by the Dunkeld 111 (1) The name of one location and of one minister (in presbytery of St. Andrews) is not recorded. :2 Forty-eight ministers advertised their intention to preach publicly, but three of them preached in two different presbyteries. The number of meetings advertised in each presbytery with the number of different locations is followed by the number of ministers involved e.g. Dunfermline 7/5 (4) number of ministers who complied with the proclamation and advertised their prayer meetings. Between 9 October 1687 and 12 July 1688,48 presbyterian ministers announced their intentions to preach at 72 different services which were held in a variety oflocations including bams, private houses and special meeting halls. Of the 72 prayer meetings formally announced, the overwhelming majority were located in central Scotland with almost one third (24) held in the synod of Fife alone. Although one meeting has no specific location recorded, the remaining 47 meetings were concentrated in four other synods: Glasgow and Ayr (15); Lothian and Tweeddale (12); Angus and Meams (11); and Perth (9). kms 0 I 25 , 50 ,, 75 , , 100 ,, miles Jacobean toleration 1687 MS 399
medieval-atlas/the-church/400 The Restoration to the Revolution Charles n's ambivalent promise in 1660 to 'protect and preserve the government of the Church of Scotland, as it is settled by law, without violation', was followed in 1662 by parliamentary legislation restoring episcopacy. At the same time legislation was directed at the covenants, which were declared unlawful, and at conventicles, which were already a problem in areas where opponents of the religious settlement declined to attend their parish churches and worshipped privately, sometimes in groups on the hillsides. Particular danger lurked in one statute which required ministers admitted to charges after the abolition of patronage in 1649 to seek presentation from the patron and collation from the bishop. This scheme was considered by Middleton and like-minded politicians as a wonderful opportunity. to purge the church of a small number of malcontents and extremists who would be caught in the net. In many parts of the country ministers and congregations acquiesced or accepted the proposals; but in the south-west a much higher proportion of ministers than had been anticipated refused to comply with legislation which forced them to recognise both episcopacy and lay patronage. As a consequence they were driven from their charges. Frequently too, congregations followed their 'outed' ministers and met secretly for worship. It has been reckoned that some 274 ministers were deprived from the parishes shown in the map, the bulk of them in 1662, but some also in the 1670s and 1680s. Of these 135 were located in the synod areas of Glasgow, Ayr, Dumfries and Galloway. North of the Tay ( and even north of the Forth) less difficulty was experienced in conformity with the enactments. Parishes where ministers were ejected kms o 25 50 75 100 , ,, , , o 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Ejections of ministers after the Restoration JK 400
medieval-atlas/the-church/401 The Restoration to the Revolution At the Revolution, parliament abolished episcopal government in July 1689, and in June 1690 restored presbyterian government on the comparatively mild model of the 'Golden Act' of 1592. One effect of this was to avoid the awkward issue of the covenants, an omission which gave offence to many; yet most presbyterians accepted the settlement. Earlier in April 1689 ministers throughout the country had been charged to read from their pulpits a proclamation appointing prayers to be said for William and Mary. Those who declined were reported to th.e privy council, and a substantial number of dismissals followed. At the same time action was taken to restore to their parishes some sixty ministers who had been 'outed' in 1662, and particularly in the south-west the Cameronians and others forcibly ejected over a hundred 'king's curates' i.e. ministers who had been introduced to vacant charges during the purges of the Restoration period. The general assembly late in 1690 established two commissions of ministers and elders for visitation (one for lands north of the Tay, the other for the south) to purge the church of what were now regarded as undesirable elements. These commissions overplayed their hand when dealing with ministers of episcopal sympathies, who were victimised and deposed, though the strength of support for episcopacy in the north-east sometimes frustrated efforts at removing incumbents. But for the most part such ministers could expect little sympathy; and non-jurors, by declining to recognise William and Mary, cut themselves off from the national church to form their own small communion outside the establishment. Between 1689 and about 1702 some 664 ministers either left or were driven out of the parishes indicated on the map at a time when there were just over 900 parishes in all. Parishes where ministers left o I o Parishes vacated after the Revolution 25 , 10 20 kms 50 ,, 30 miles 75 , 50 100 60 JK 401
medieval-atlas/the-church/402 Ecclesiastical organisation: the early eighteenth century The maps in this section aim to present the situation about 1707 as the closing date for this Atlas. That year does not mark any particular ecclesiastical event or development. The medieval inheritance of the parochial system had been adopted by the reformers after 1560 as a convenient network of territorial units. Over the next 150 years various commissions were appointed by parliament to make boundary adjustments where cliange of circumstances made it desirable to unite small parishes and divide large ones. By the early eighteenth century the country with around 1000 parishes had a parochial system that was still thought capable of meeting the needs of society, before the pressures of industrialisation demanded reappraisal and more drastic action. With a population standing, perhaps, at less than a million, a parish on average might possess rather less than 1000 souls, say between one and two hundred families and their servants. Most burghs, of course, were larger centres of population, but were usually served still by a single parish. Edinburgh was an exception with six parishes by this date; Glasgow too had more than one parish, and other large burghs had more than one charge within the single parish. The contrast between the large parishes in the Highlands and the compact ones along the eastern coast and in the central lowlands is a commentary not just on the disparity in resources and manpower in these areas, but also on the relative fertility of the land which sustained the population. In the earlier eighteenth century over two-thirds of the people of Scotland lived outside the Highlands and Islands. That the onethird of the population who li ved in these areas was served by perhaps one-seventh of the country's parish ministers could hardly be considered adequate; but it is unreasonable to deny the difficulties which wild and mountainous terrain presented in communicating the gospel, or for that matter, anything else. 75 , , 100 miles Parishes in the early eighteenth century 402
medieval-atlas/the-church/403 Ecclesiastical organisation: the early eighteenth century Following the re-establishment of Presbyterian government in 1690, the old diocesan structure was allowed to lapse and synods once again became 'provincial synods' with elected moderators. Presbyteries too resumed the practice of electing a moderator for a limited term. The broad model, insofar as it was practicable, was clearly the covenanters' polity of the 1640s. Changes were made from time to time, particularly in the northern areas where a shortage of ministers caused practical difficulties for presbyteries. Some presbyteries were united for a time, and then some were separated again after a short interval. . The maps show the organisation as it was in 1707, with thirteen synods and sixty-one presbyteries. Despite its formidable problems in the Highlands, the established kirk sought to extend and intensify its operations across the country as a whole. Synods in the early eighteenth century 0 I 0 25, , 10 20 kms 50 ,, 30 miles 75, , 50 1~0, 60 JK 403
medieval-atlas/the-church/404 Ecclesiastical organisation: the early eighteenth century kms 0 25 50 75 100 I i i i i i i 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Presbyteries in the early eighteenth century JK 404
medieval-atlas/the-church/405 Poor relief Somewhat over a quarter of the parishes of Scotland have left kirk or more kirk session registers survive. Those shires with no regis session registers covering the period of the famine of the 1690s. ters, or less than three are shown as leaving inadequate documenta From these and other records it can be seen that forty-three parishes tion even in the instance of Selkirkshire where the only surviving carried through a decision to implement the poor law statues and register is of an assessed parish. raise funds in one way or another from the heritors. This map shows «iJ! {/ the distribution of these parishes by shire. The assessed parishes are . "'P{!!P shown as a percentage of the parishes ofall shires from where three r.::!!?? .:. ",,":': ':>. ::::::::::::::::::::?::::::::: Inadequate record No parishes assessed //////// ~~~~~~~~ 1 -g% assessed 1 0 -19% assessed 30 -39% assessed 40 -49% assessed over 50% assessed UJ...LLL.L.l.u Aberdeenshire Longside Angus Kettins Ayrshire Kilmaurs Kilwinning East Lothian Garvald Haddington North Berwick Ormiston Prestonkirk SaItoun Spott Tyninghame Whitekirk Poor relief 1695 to 1707 ~)] o kms 0 50 75 100 2" J i i i i 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Fife Forgan Kennoway Kilconquhar Kingsbams Lanarkshire Carstairs Douglas Lesmahagow Pettinain Midlothian Colinton Corstorphine Cramond Crichton Currie Lasswade Stow Temple Moray Drainie Peebleshire Eddleston Manor Perthshire Blackford Logie Longforgan Monzie Perth Tibbermuir Renfrewshire Greenock Roxburghshire Ashkirk Selkirkshire Galashiels West Lothian Carriden Uphall RM 405
medieval-atlas/the-church/406 Roman Catholic recusancy The term 'recusancy' has been taken to mean non-attendance at the communion and other Reformed services, which was liable to be accompanied by attendance at mass and other sacraments held according to Roman Catholic rite, as well as general adherence to Roman Catholic belief and observance. In spite of an uncompromising concept of one visible church, parliamentary ratification of the Reformed articles of faith and a rigorous penal code, there was little serious persecution in post-Reformation Scotland. Examination of contemporary records suggests that Catholicism, although by no means dead, gave few signs that it was an organised force at any time likely to challenge the Reformed establishment. The map illustrates the survival of indigenous Catholicism, on the wane by the 1570s partly for want of priests, and the resurgence later in the century which was largely due to the external reinforcement of Jesuits and other missionaries from abroad and the internal protection of the politically-minded 'Catholic party'. Throughout the period the amount of reported recusancy was a reflection of the politico-religious climate; the doubtful constitutionality and initially poor endowment of the Reformed church; Catholic worship at the queen's court; increased cooperation between church and state after Mary's deposition in 1567; the 'test act' of 1573 which was followed by deprivation of non-conforrnlng benefice-holders; the growth of presbyteries in the 1580s and watchfulness of the church authorities, as exemplified by the report to the general assembly of February 1588; the activities of the Jesuits in the last decade and at the turn of the century, at a time when J ames VI for political reasons was inclined to adopt a tolerant attitude to influential, known Catholics. Geographically, recusancy reflects the protection of Catholic families, particularly in the north-east, south-west and in parts of the Lothians. At the same time, delay in the provision of a minister in every parish created trouble-spots of recusancy in some areas, such as the Borders. The one attempt to erect Roman Catholic worship publicly, at Easter 1563, took place in the south-west. It was stage-managed by Archbishop John Hamilton ofStAndrews assisted by personnel of two conservative monastic communities (Paisley of which he was the commendator and Crossraguel) the beneficed clergy ofsome of the churches appropriated to them, and the earl of Cassillis with some of his kinsmen and dependents. The Jesuits were active mainly in those areas protected by the earl of Huntly (i.e. Aberdeenshire, Moray and Sutherland), in parts of the Lothians under the patronage of Lord Seton, and in and around Dumfries with the support of Lord Maxwell and the abbot of New Abbey. There is only a little surviving evidence of reported recusancy in the west Highlands and the Islands prior to 1603. Mearns \--200 -21 Mearns Areas and places mentioned in the General nonconformity and report on recusancy of 1587/8 adherence to Catholic belief and observance Moray• Areas and places of Jesuit activity in 1580s and 1590s • Places associated with clergy cited· before the privy council, 1569 Caithness Areas mentioned in the report on recusancy of 1588 and of Jesuit activity L:::,. Places associated with the in 1580s and 1590s benefices of those deprived for kms • Celebration of or attendance at mass or failure to subscribe the Articles of Faith 1573 o I o 10 25, 20 50 ,, 30 75, , 50 100 60 other sacraments according to Roman miles Catholic rite Roman Catholic recusancy 1560 to 1603 MHBS 406
medieval-atlas/the-church/407 Roman Catholic recusancy kms 0 I 25 , 50 ,, 75 , , 100 , , miles Dunrobin Castle Monzie Eglinton Pencaitland Domoch Muthill 'Cambuskeith' Tranent Elgin Tullibardine Kilmamock Seton Lhanbryde Auchterarder Eaglesham Garvald Fordyce Lathrisk Ayr Dunbar Rothiemay St Andrews Cassillis Castle Coldingham Turriff Crail Maybole 100 Bassendean Gight Castle Markinch Kirkmichael Castle 101 Nenthom Tarves Balwearie Castle Kirkoswald 102 Swinton Esslemont Castle South Uist Crossraguel Abbey 103 Greenlaw Udny Kintyre Dailly 104 Ednam ElIon Bute Girvan 105 Fishwick Slains Castle Cardross Corsewall Castle 106 Langton Daviot Fintry Soulseat Abbey 107 Bunkle Chapel of Garioch Aberfoyle Cruggleton Castle 108 Whitsome Balquhain Castle Kilsyth Sanquhar 109 Peebles Aberdeen Dunblane Terregles 110 Manor Banchory-Devenick Stirling Dumfries III Traquair Maryculter Dollar New Abbey 112 Ettrick Forest Ury Castle Saline Caerlaverock 113 Ashkirk Glenbervie Castle Dunfermline Callendar House 114 Hassendean Logierait Fordell Castle Linlithgow 115 Minto Dowally Erskine Kirknewton 116 Bedrule Little Dunkeld Garscadden Newhall Castle 117 Maxton Caputh Provan Currie 118 Ancrum Perth Glasgow Edinburgh 119 Melrose Errol Renfrew Leith 120 Dryburgh Longforgan Paisley Restalrig 121 Mertoun Dundee Neilston Newbattle 122 Old Roxburgh Fintry Cathcart Niddrie 123 Yetholm Arbroath Ladyland Castle Cranston Castle 124 Crailing 125 Morebattle Roman Catholic recusancy 1560 to 1603 MHBS 407
medieval-atlas/the-church/408 Roman Catholic recusancy The prospects for Catholicism as a living faith within Scottish communities were transformed radically, if gradually, following the reinvigoration of the Scottish mission from the second decade of the seventeenth century. The ground rules for the work of conversion in the Lowlands were laid down from 1617 by the Jesuits who targeted landed families, particularly those with heritable jurisdictions able to protect pnests and encourage apostasy within their territorial spheres of influence. Leading catholic families were encouraged to intermarry both to consolidate their faith and bridge their geographic isolation. From 1622 oversight of all regular and secular clergy on the Scottish mission was exercised by the Sacred College of Propaganda at Rome. Despite chronic underfunding by Propaganda and rivalries among the clergy, recusancy thrived within geographic pockets in the south-west as well as the north-east, continuing on an upward spiral until 1685. By then Catholicism in the Lowlands though still based on households where mass was celebrated privately and irregularly had spread from the country seats of nobles to those of gentry, and from their town-houses to the tenements of burgesses. Clan Territories sustained recusancy unsustained recusancy Lowland landed households sustained recusancy unsustained recusancy • Towns continuous recusancy Boundary between Gaeldom and In the Highlands and Islands the neglect of organised religion allied to relative spiritual depnvation since the Reformation had offered the greatest prospects for the entrenchment of Catholicism as the faith of whole communities. Although Jesuits and secular priests made strenuous efforts to maintain a minimal presence, the dearth of native Gaelic speakers led to Irish priests providing the main impetus for the work of conversion -most notably the Franciscans, whose pioneering mission from 1619 was resumed after a gap of twenty-two years in 1668. In the meantime the Vincentian mission which commenced in 1651 and occasional sorties by Dominicans helped ensure that Catholicism was revived within whole communities. Unlike the Lowlands, recusancy within the Highland and Islands can be identified with clan affiliations, not just landed households. Ho~everthe optimistic accounting of thousands of conversions in the course of these Irish missionary endeavours cannot be dissociated from their desperate need to attract funding from Propaganda. In fact priests serving in the Highlands and Islands at anyone time rarely numbered more than six; and the numbers serving together on the Scottish Mission as a whole prior to 1685 usually fluctuated between twelve and twenty. 111 iT Glasgow 112 123 125. 127 + 1~4 126+~129 131 .. 133128+130 132+t.+ +136 134 135 +137 123 +138 + 139 Edinburgh 114~ +118 ~115 + ~17 113 116 119 + 121+ " " +140 " +141..142 144 145 D f' + " + 143~146 um nes 149,/ 153;0~ 1Jt~;163 +148 r' 160 .T",".·+165~~51 155+.15~ +\ 164 C '.../ ~+ 1561t716~68 166 . 150 '\ 1~~ 157 J59 ) Lowlands Roman Catholic recusancy 1603 to 1685 AIM 408
medieval-atlas/the-church/409 Roman Catholic recusancy Lowland landed households-sustained recusancy dating from initial citation 2 Dochfour,1667 34 De1gatie, 1625 76 Drumgesk, 1629 125 Haggs, 1679 4 'Tulliquode',1653 35 'B1acktoun', 1628 77 Beltie,1630 126 'Braidsho1me', 1683 5 Huntly*,1604 36 'Artamford'. 1643 78 Learney,1653 129 Lauchope, 1683 6 'Swelton', 1653 37 Auchry, 1620 79 Corsindae, 1607 131 Bogton, 1683 7 Arradou1, 1650 38 Fedderate, 1661 80 Skene,1672 132 Shei1ds, 1683 10 Famachty, 1622 39 Gight, 1607 83 Grandhome, 1661 133 Shawtonhill, 1683 11 Letterfourie 40 Schivas, 1637 84 Ba1gownie,1628 134 Chapelton, 1683 12 Park, 1666 41 'Knockmy1ne', 1629 ? 85 Drum, 1640 135 Sempill *, 1606 14 Banff*,1631 42 Crichie, 1671 86 Craigton, 1629 136 Woodside, 1683 15 'Murefau1d', 1661 43 'Cairnfield', 1681 87 Hilton, 1627 137 Craignethan, 1683 17 Auchindachy, 1628 44 'Bridgeford', 1661 88 B1airs, 1628 138 'Whiteside', 1683 18 'C1asterrn', 1653 49 Cu1drain, 1638 89 Pitfode1s, 1644 141 Barjarg, 1684 19 Auchindown, 1607 50 Cults, 1663 90 Tullos,1653 146 Herries*' 1606 20 Baldorney, 1685 51 Kirkhill, 1663 93 Wester Braikie, 1649 149 Wauchope, 1627 21 Wellheads, 1647 53 Lesmoir, 1639 94 'Newgrange', 1624 151 Bagbie, 1634 22 Cairnborrow, 1628 54 Craig,1624 96 Clintlaw, 1653 152 'Nunton', 1665 23 Artloch, 1649 60 Warthill, 1685 100 Craigie, 1610 153 Parton, 1647 26 Litt1emill, 1628 61 Pitcap1e, 1628 106 Perth*, 1685 154 Barncai1zie, 1684 27 Cormalet, 1628 62 Braco,1668 108 Kinnou1*,1650 155 B reoch, 1664 28 Rothiemay, 1653 64 Fetternear, 1653 110 'Gorrnock', 1669 156 'Brakenside', 1667 29 Auchingoul, 1684 65 Ba1quhain, 1685 114 Coates, 1669 158 Auchenskeoch, 1628 30 Auchintou1, 1669 67 Me1drum, 1639 115 Niddrie, 1653 163 Conheath, 1620 31 Frendraught*, 1632 70 Concraig, 1607 117 C1erkington, 1685 164 Kirkconnell, 1627 32 Oliphant*, 1652 71 Kirkton, 1685 ? 118 Gar1eton, 1671 165 Nithsda1e*, 1606 33 'Dunkinty' 1629 ? 75 Aboyne*,1656 119 Traquair*, 1667 168 Kirkhouse, 1684 121 Mordington*, 1641 169 Torrorie, 1684 Lowland landed households. unsustained recusancy dating from final citation Cromarty, 1631 58 Newton, 1621 101 Gourdie, 1607 130 Cambusnethan, 3 Cawdor, 1631 59 'Rayniston', 1629 102 Balwhyrne, 1670 1627 8 'Fetter1etter', 1631 63 Keithny, 1629 103 Drumki1bo,I640 139 Doug1as*, 1653 9 'Edinville', 1631 66 Bourtie, 1628 104 Gray*,1653 140 Carco,1660 13 Whitehills, 1622 68 Udny,1639 105 Alichmore, 1639 142 Garroch, 1622 16 Tombreck, 1630 69 Tillygreig, 1628 107 Co1drochie, 1649 143 'Mains', 1628 24 'Terrisou1e'. 1628 72 Cluny,1633 109 Erro1*,1672 144 Gribton, 1632 25 'Drumquhill', 1651 73 Craigievar, 1608 111 West Kerse, 1629 145 CowhilI, 1627 45 Auch1euchries, 1655 74 Camphill, 1648 112 Midd1erig, 1629 147 A1magill,1627 46 Lessendrum, 1629 81 Caskieben, 1669 113 Redhall', 1653 148 Midd1ebie, 1628 47 Monellie, 1668 82 Goval,1656 116 Winton*, 1658 150 Monreith,1628 48 Troupsmill, 1629 91 'Carrone', 1607 ? 120 Home*, 1606 157 Kirkennan, 1667 52 Mosstown, 1667 92 Balnamoon, 1627 122 Drumquhassle, 1624 159 . Lochhill, 1634 55 Forbes*, 1606 95 Ashintully, 1639 123 Abercorn*, 1653 160 Kinharvie, 1632 56 New Les1ie, 1630 97 Kinnaird, 1607 124 Cowg1en,1615 161 Troston, 1627 57 Terpersie, 1667 98 Inver, 1641 127 Monkland, 1615 162 Mabie,I643 99 Murth1y, 1615 128 Carfin, 1657 166 'Arkiebus', 1627 167 Corbelly, 1627 Towns with a continuous history of recusancy dating from initial citation Aberdeen, 1605 Dumfries, 1605 Elgin, 1623 Edinburgh, 1605 Glasgow, 1607 Inverness, 1653 Clan territories (i) sustained recusancy dating from initial mission A Moidart, 1624 B Arisaig and South Morar, 1625 Names within quotes do not appear on the mod C Eigg and Canna, 1625 D Benbecula, South Uist and Eriskay, 1625 ern Ordnance Survey map; they lay within the E Barra, 1626 same parish as the place plotted on the map. F Braes of Lochaber, 1636 G Glengarry, 1651 A query indicates that the identification of the H Knoydart and North Morar, 1651 place-name is probable rather than definite. Trotternish, 1652 J Strathfarrer, Strathglass and the Aird, 1669 An asterisk indicates the name of a noble family K Inveravon and Glenlivet, 1652 L Strathavon and Strathdon, 1630 whose principal residence was at the place in M Braemar, 1660 dicated (though it may have had a different N Upper Deeside, 1632 name). (ii) unsustained recusancy dating duration a Caithness and East Sutherland, 1619-37 b B1air Atholl, 1636-46 Kintyre and Gigha, 1619-47 d Islay, 1624-47 e Jura, 1624·37 Colons ay, 1624·39 gRoss of Mull, 1624-47 h Rum and Muck, 1625-37 Ardnamurchan and Sunart, ,1625·53 j Glenelg, 1624·37 k Skye, 1624·37 Assynt, 1624-37 AIM 409
medieval-atlas/the-church/410 Roman Catholic recusancy Recusancy after 1650 was marked by a distinct increase in the number of apostates from Protestantism. Although the toleration conceded in 1687 lasted barely two years and was sandwiched between anti-popish riots in Edinburgh, the brief reign of James VII afforded Catholics the opportunity to worship publicly and propagate their faith free from harassment by the kirk. Holyroodhouse became the centre of Catholicism in Scotland, with a chapel run by the secular clergy, a Jesuit college and a printing press for devotional tracts and liturgical books. Although the deposition of James VII in 1683 obliged the Scottish Mission to resume its covert and underfunded posture, the king's refusal to sacrifice his faith for his throne stiffened the resolve of the recusants not to be reconciled to Protestantism in the Highlands and Islands; moreover, despite a continuing shortage of Gaelic-speaking priests there was a pronounced drift towards Catholicism in the wake of the Revolution Settlement. Catholicism was given a unifying national focus in 1694 when the appointment of Thomas Nicholson as vicar-apostolic Number of Families 500 -1000 • 101 -500 -• 51 -100 11 50 0 5 -10 School brought the Scottish Mission under the episcopal jurisdiction of the first native bishop since the demise of the last of the pre-Reformation hierarchy ninety-one years earlier. (The canonical authority exercised by prefects-apostolic since 1653 had been confined to secular clergy in the Lowlands.) Although Nicholson did not take up his duties in Scotland until 1696 and another five years were to elapse before the Jesuits made a formal and complete submission to his authority, the proved standing of the Scottish Mission in the eyes of Propaganda ensured that the number of serving priests rose steadily above thirty by 1707. Yet despite the radical transformation of Catholicism into a community-based faith by the early eighteenth century, recusancy remained a minority pursuit between 1603 and 1707. Professed papists probably amount to no more than 2% of the total population in this period. South Uist 2 Moidart Glengarry 4 Barra 5 Benbecula 6 Eigg 7 Arisaig and South Morar 8 Knoydart and North Morar 9 Strathfarrar, Strathglass and the Aird 10 Braes of Lochaber II Braemar 12 Upper Deeside 13 Inveravon and Glenlivet 14 Bellie 15 Edinburgh 16 Canna 18 Huntly 19 Cairnie 20 Rum 2t Trollemish 22 Ross 23 Badenoch 24 Inverness 25 Keith 26 Chapel of Garioch 27 Aberdeen 28 Aboyne 29 Muthill 30 Terregles 31 Troqueer 32 New Abbey 33 Colvend 34 Urr 35 Buittle 36 Lewis 37 North Uist 38 Sleat 39 Muck 40 Mull 41 Largie 42 Elgin 43 Grange 44 King Edward 45 Mortlach 46 Glass 47 Botriphne Gartly '----48 ~49 Forgue 50 Ellon 51 Drumblade 51 Insch 53 Echt ~ 54 Peterculter 55 Cargill 56 Athelstaneford 57 Dumfries ~58 Caerl averock 59 Kelton 60 Glasgow 61 East Kilbride 62 Glassford kms o I 2[> 59, 7,5 , 100 miles Roman Catholic recusancy 1685 to 1707 AIM 410
medieval-atlas/social-and-cultural/412 Social and cultural Landholding in the mid-twelfth century The map is a snapshot ofthe leading landholding families, including that part of the realm (largely non-Highland) for which adequate the royal house, about the end of David I's reign and the beginning evidence exists. Nevertheless, across much of south-eastern Scotofthat ofMalcolm IV (1153-65). It shows that the native 'pre-feudal' land and here and there in the Clyde valley and in Fife and Gowrie, landowners still dominated the overall pattern of lordship even in incoming feudally tenured families had taken hold strongly. J)~ earlofBuc~ ",l,,, bishop '=' of ~berdeen earl of Mar * brechin~* ,.r-earl of A.S ....; earl of Atholl~* Orm of AbernetnY bishop of D,,"eld /'@i-;'!!!.ofAngus abbot of St Fillan ~*~ay 'Al,.an de Lascelles * Nes son of William bishop of St Andrews O f Ab h arl of Strathearn rm 0 ernet Y r' V-~~F~* ~ * o~~o earl of Menteith if'~0 ",l,,, ~abbotof'Q~" ~. '=' 'Dunfermline "'=' earl of Fife -,~ ~ Cospatric earl of Dunbar Avenel son of Waltheof S . -~ William son W ' waln son Stewart " Bishop of of Freskin " ) of Thor priory of Glasgow / ,s Morville Colgingham Stewart * ) '\ Stewarl Lindsay*' -1* "L. comy~ _ Lindsay I Morville(?) ,Waltheof . *~arlof Dunbar son of Baldwln ... ' Simonsonof .... bl~hop Maelbeth ",l, ,, \ G gow ./ '=' St~wart . . bishop of ",l,,, Swain son Glasgow .'=' Of,Th" ~ ../omy~ Avenel /;"~~ Brus .r ......::~p..:s Ralp son of Dunegal ~-""'---Q~ Ik~e--~Y kms major concentrations of royal demesne o , 50 , , 25 75 100 I i i i i o 10 20 30 40 50 60 Stewart Name of landholder miles Landholding about 1150 to 1160 GWSB 412
medieval-atlas/social-and-cultural/413 The growth of military feudalism This map and that showing landholding are mutually complementhe twelfth century and the later part of the reign of Alexander IT tary. The shading is designed to show the intensity and in simpli(1214-49). The contrast between small unit knights' fees and larger fied form the character of feudalisation, involving the creation of units probably reflects an earlier social and economic arrangement. knights' fees and other military holdings, between the beginning of LITTLE OR NO EVIDENCE OF FEUDALISA ~hNormal pattern of ?"/b. landholding formed by single or small knights fees ~~ntl~~:~~a?;~~~s:~:~~ts fees later becoming baronies / // Early 12th century establishment of large territorial lordships held for military service ~~~~~ Sporadic and occasional -----formation of knights fees, often associated with earldoms The growth of military feudalism from about 1100 to about 1240 GWSB 413
medieval-atlas/social-and-cultural/414 Perambulations The creation of new estates, the bestowal of old estates upon new the surviving perambulation records an enormously valuable source families, often to be held by feudal tenure, and above all the endowfor the topography and human geography of medieval Scotland. ment of monastic houses with lands previously in royal or magnatial The maps show boundary features which figure in thirteenth lordship, stimulated the formal definition of marches or boundaries century perambulations of: (a) the upper Clydesdale estate of in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Perambulations, as the procCrawford Lindsay, feudalised from the late twelfth century; (b) the ess was known, might often be in response to an explicit royal commarches between Dunfermline Abbey's hunting reserve of Guth on ' mand (by brieve of perambulation) and the results could be registhe one hand and the estates of neighbouring lairds, e.g. of Cult, tered in the royal archives. The use of many natural, and a few Cleish and Crambeth (Dowhill) on the other; and (c) the old royal man-made features to serve as boundary-markers and lines makes shire or thanage of Kingoldrum in the Braes of Angus, granted to Arbroath Abbey in 1178. RAG A R G I L (R A G G E N G ILL
medieval-atlas/social-and-cultural/415 Perambulations 'Gamin (Gairney Burn) Rivers (with modern name) Cless (Cleish) Places in the perambulation (with modern name) r:J 'Cnocenlein' Unidentified places MONS SITHI (WETHER HILL) Hills (with modern name) Present parish boundary Thirteenth century boundary Contours '" t> Location Map Perambulations: Cult, Cleish, Crambeth and the forest of Outh mid-thirteenth century GWSB 415
medieval-atlas/social-and-cultural/416 Perambulations ...... / Egnoghe / (Egnomoss) ,,-_/ ...... Drumnacubach'" ... ...... ...... ~ Q", G'Q \ Monebrecky ...... "'7~ I ...... /_ ... Gyvynd~'
medieval-atlas/social-and-cultural/417 The Norman network The most striking single fact about so-called 'Nonnan' families (ofinstance is the settlement north of the Channel of the Breton family ten from Brittany, Ponthieu and Flanders rather than Nonnandy) descended from Flaald, seneschal of Dol. His son, Alan, got extentaking part in the twelfth century feudal settlement of Scotland is sive lands in England, to which his second son succeeded, while his that they were seldom in the first (or even second) rank among coneldest son inherited the modest Breton estates. It was the third son, tinental settlers in England, even where they can be shown to have Waiter, who received a vast estate in southern Scotland from David held substantial English estates. Often the head of the Scottish branch J, together with the royal stewardship, and became ancestors of the of a family will be a younger son of the parent stem. A classic Stewarts whose chief ofline in 1371 became king of Scots as Robert 11. Barcla c?.tJ ~ . . HaYG) ~ de QUlncl@ de Quinci Lascelles 0 ipon de Quincl S~ 10 de rville ~vallance 13 ~ lJ{f,W~2$ @)Clere ® ~~I\ond \ \ 6 @ @ '0Colville Jewa~ sommerville~Balliol ~ Colvllle 11 S I 2 Balllol G:> (i) e ou es de Morvllle ""Bruce 3 Bruce 9 Viponci-.-3 Bruce eMorvill~ Q)B~ruce Lascelles Clere Lascelles @) @@Sommerville ColvilleG) Colville Sommerville @Stewart aferkeley £, R S .Cuinchy 10 t-R D Y \ C • Bailleul2 BriXMlognes 14 Morville 9· IAddeville 1 ~ . .Cleres 4 ~\)Colleville 5. Loucelles 8 • Vieuxpont 13 • Soulles 11 ~~ ·La Haye 7 Semerville 12· 0 Fitz Flaald 6 ~ • Dol N y Place of family • Cleres origin in Northern Europe Corresponding lands of families in Scotland and England @) Clere FLANDERS Provinces Contine.,tal families and their chief lands north of the Channel GWSB 417
medieval-atlas/social-and-cultural/418 Anglo-Scottish landholding before the Wars of Independence Anglo-Scottish landholding was important for almost 200 years before the Wars of Independence. The wider implications of this phenomenon cannot be pursued here. The most notable cross-Border landowners were the Scots kings and princes. But use of the first map depends on distinguishing between the war gains in England during Stephen's reign (1135-54) and their peaceful acquisitions, which were more characteristic of the relationship between the crowns. This distinction, however, cannot be drawn too sharply since the former included lands recognised by the Scots as being subject to English overlordship, at least for a while. The terri.tories conceded in the north by the treaties of 1136 and 1139 were: Carlisle and its district, probably embracing Westmorland proper -i.e., Westmorland between Stainmore and the Eamont; Doncaster; the earldom of Northumberland except Bamburgh and Newcastle upon Tyne, and exclusive of any right over Hexhamshire and St Cuthbert's Land. All were probably to be held by King David I's son and heir Henry as a feudal vassal of the English crown. Then from 1141 David I and Earl Henry took over as King Stephen's enemies the whole of northern England to the Ribble and the Tees. Under them, William son of King Duncan 11 held three of the great north-western lordships: Allerdale, Copeland, and the honour of Skipton and Craven. The honour of Lancaster north of the Ribble, though granted to the earl of Chester in 1149, apparently remained subject to Scottish power. But by 1157 the English lands had been reduced to the honour of Huntingdon (acquired in marriage by David I in 1113, given to Earl Henry in 1136, and lost in 1141) and, in the north, to the 'liberty' of Tynedale. After Alexander 11 had renounced Scottish claims to the northern counties in 1237, he was granted Penrith with five other Cumberland manors. The superiority of Penrith, Tynedale, and the Huntingdon honour was held by the kings of Scots as tenants-in-chief owing homage to the English crown, although Huntingdon, with the title of earl, was treated as an appanage for Earl Henry's youngest son and his grandson, David (d. 1219) and John (d. 1237). On John's death it was partitioned among coheiresses. The earldom of Chester, John's private inheritance from 1232, remained undivided in possession of the English crown. (The external knights' fees held by John as part of the honour of Chester are not shown.) The last additions came shortly after 1286 for the brief period of John Balliol's effective reign (1292-6). The principal estates King John had previously inherited in England and Scotland are shown on the map which records the main outlines of the AngloScottish estates held by magnates, or major nobles, on the eve of the Wars of Independence about 1290. These men are defined here as earls and important lay barons, proprietors of course in England and Scotland but not necessarily enjoying the same dominant position in both countries. Most in fact held magnate rank only in Scotland where the magnates were generally lords of less substance than their counterparts in England. Any division between 'magnates' and lesser nobles must remain quite arbitrary, and some borderline cases have been included. In about 1290 Anglo-Scottish landowners nevertheless formed a very significant body among the higher nobility of Scotland, as is underlined by their prominence in the recognition of the Maid of Norway as heir to the throne (1284) and the Treaty of Birgham (1290). Almost all the Scottish estates represented are earldoms, 'provincial lordships', or baronies, though some had been partitioned. Again, some of the English baronies shown had been divided into frac. lions, but their lords remained entitled to baronial status. The other English estates are nearly all entire manors, a number being especially important. By varying the size of symbols a very rough guide is provided to the relative extent or significance of individual es tates. .The map unavoidably underestimates the range and impor tance of cross-Border landholding. It obviously excludes lands held about 1290 in Ireland (Hastings, Vesci, Zouche), the Channel Is lands (Wake), and France (Balliol of Bywell, Balliol ofUIT). Other wise, .while the main features of estate complexes can be shown, the recording of actual estates is not exhaustive. Single symbols must also do duty for some large estates which in reality were widely dispersed. That applies particularly to England, with its highly com plicated patchwork of landholding. Similarly, the map cannot even begin to tackle the complexities 'of the redistribution of the Huntingdon and de Quincy lands. In England alone they straggled across some 20 counties. The English lands of some magnates (e.g., Simon Fraser, WiIIiam Melville) remain unidentified; likewise the Scottish lands of Ralph de Tosny. These men have all been ex cluded, as have those such as Andrew MUITay of Petty who may never have realised their claims to English properties. Finally, the map is not designed to do justice to the many cross-Border estates held by the lesser nobility and the Church, though these were often founded through magnate patronage, or to fluctuations in the pat tern of Anglo-Scottish landholding by the magnates themselves. In fact, there is some reason to believe that their influence had already begun to wane by c.1290. 418
medieval-atlas/social-and-cultural/419 Anglo-Scottish landholding before the Wars ofIndependence • Doncaster ... • Nottingham ... .: Leicester. :. -:. .~ .. :-..... ' : ..: • Stamford.... -... • eo.-: :• : • • • • Huntingdon . .. .. Northampton:: .: ~ .. ... :. . ~:.:::.. :::. :.:.. i . .~\ }. . .-\ . • Bedford St Cuthbert's Land Hexhamshire Limit 01 territorial control under King David, 1141 -53 Approximate distribution 01 the lands 01 the honour 01 Huntingdon (largely subinleudated), about 1200 o I o 2,5, 10 20 Lands of the Scottish kings and princes in England about 1100 to 1286 kms ~p 30 miles 7;5, 50 60 KJS 419
medieval-atlas/social-and-cultural/420 Anglo-Scottish landholding before the Wars ofIndependence 12a 12be 1 ~[]24a 9a 13a .18b • 1~C 3a 7d 21a ~ ~'-j~1113b ~~ [>I20c 7d /~a17f~ (>'1.
medieval-atlas/social-and-cultural/421 Anglo-Scottish landholding before the Wars ofIndependence 1. Coheirs of Earl John of Scotland, d. 1237 [BaIIiol of 10. John Comyn of Badenoch • Bywell, Bruce, Hastings] a. Badenoch, lordship .f) Garioch, lordship b. Lochaber, lordship Inverbervie (Bervie), barony c. Tarset Dundee, barony d. Thomton (Newbrough) Longforgan, barony e. UJceby, Yarborough wapentake Huntingdon, honour (See also 5, 6, 19) 11. John Comyn, earl of Buchan iO", 2. Coheirs of Earl Roger de Quincy, d. 1264 [Comyn of a. Buchan, earldom Buchan, Ferrers (of Groby), Zouche] (See also 2) Leuchars, barony 12. WilIiam Comyn Gask [also = Findo Gask], barony • Dysart, barony a. Menteith, earldom lands (one half) Tranen!, barony b. Kirkintilloch, barony Heriot, barony c. Groton Cunningham, lordship (part) Lauderdale, lordship (one half) 13. William Douglas Galloway, lordship (part) Leicester, honour (one half) [Ferrers of Groby held a. Douglas, barony less than a full one sixth of the honour] b. Fawdon (Ingram) (See also 11,15, 32) c. Stebbing d. Woodham Ferrers 3. Alexander de Balliol 14. Patrick, earl of Dunbar Cavers, barony Bennington, barony [also = honour of Valognes] a. Dunbar, earldom (one third) b. Beanley, barony Chilham, barony 15. WilIiam Ferrers (of Groby) 4. Enguerrand de Balliol a. Chorley Redcastle (Inverkeilor), barony b. Bolton-le-Moors Urr, barony c. Nobottle (Great Brington) Foston d. Fairsted (See also 2) 5. John de Balliol 16. Duncan, earl of Fife (d. 1288) Cunningham, lordship (part) a. Fife, earldom Galloway, lordship (main part + title 'lord of b. Carlton-Ie-Moorland Galloway') c. Glapthom Bywell, barony Bamard Castle, lordship 17. Nicholas Graham Stokesley Driffield a. Abercom, barony Torksey b. Dalkeith, barony Lothingland c. Kilbucho and Newlands, barony Hitchin d. Eskdale, lordship (See also I) e. Wooler, barony (one half) f. Simonbum 6. Robert Bruce (d. 1295) 18. Enguerrand de Guines a. Annandale, lordshIp • b.lreby a. Lamberton (Mordington) Gamblesby b. Skirling, barony Glassonby c. Durisdeer, barony Hart and Hartness, lordship d. Westerkirk, barony Hatfield Broad Oak [also = Hatfield Regis] e. Staplegordon (Westerkirk), barony Writtle, barony f. Middleton Tyas Great Baddow g. Kendal, barony (one half) (See also I) h. 'Moureholm' [= Warton] i. Garstang [also = Wyresdale] 7. Alexander of BunkIe j. Molesworth Bunkle, barony 19. John Hastings Lilbum ~ Shawdon a. Wigginton Fenwick (Stamfordharn) b. Nailstone Uldale c. Worfield d. Burbage 8. Thomas Colville e. Fillongley f. Allesley Oxnam, barony g. Brampton Budle h. Aston Cantlow Spindleston i. Wootton j. Lidgate 9. Edmund Comyn k. Badmondisfield (Wickbambrook) 1. Abergavenny, lordship Kilbride, barony Bennington, barony (one third) Anglo-ScoUish landholding: magnates and lands about 1290 421
medieval-atlas/social-and-cultural/422 Anglo-Scottish landholding before the Wars ofIndependence Little Marston (West Camel) Barwick (See also I) 20. Alexander Lindsay The Byres (Athelstaneford), barony Bamweill (Craigie) Chirdon 21. Hugb Lovel Hawick, barony Grove Barns (Staines) Castle Cary, barony [2J 22. William Maule Panmure (Panbride), barony Bennington, barony (one third) 23. GeofTrey Mowbray Moncreiffe [also = Dunbamey] Inverkeithing, barony Dalmeny [also = Bambougle], barony Eckford, barony Boltons Raskelf (Easingwold) Cl 24. William Murray Bothwell, barony Crailing, barony Lilford 25. Robert Pinkney Ballencrieff + Luffness (Aberlady), baronies Weedon Pinkney [also = Weedon Lois], barony Cavendish, barony (one half) 26. Robert de Ros Sanquhar, barony Wark (Carham), barony Bellister Plenmeller Linstock (Stanwix) ~ 27. Richard Siward Kellie (Cambee), barony Aberdour, barony Tibbers (Durisdeer), barony Chelveston Crowle Burstead Clatford ~ 28. William de Soules Liddesdale, lordship Stamfordham Stocksfield (Bywell St Andrew) []] 29. Gilbert de Umfraville, earl of Angus Angus, earldom Redesdale (+ Upper Coquetdale), 'liberty' Prudhoe, barony Market Overton Hambleton Nonnanton IJ 30. William de Vesci Sprouston, barony Alnwick, barony Malton, 'honour' Caythorpe Faxton Eltham a 31. John Wake Kirkandrews on Esk (now in England), barony Liddel Strength (Kirkandrews), barony Great Ayton Kirkby Moorside COllingharn, barony Kelby Boume, barony Brinklow Stevington Wakes Colne Ware Winterbourne Stoke ~ 32. Alan la Zouche Ashby-de-la-Zouch Swavesey Great Gaddesden North Molton Treve' [= River] (Tillington) (See also 2) Anglo-Scottish landholding: magnates and lands about 1290 KJS 422
medieval-atlas/social-and-cultural/423 Landed influence in the late fifteenth century The maps indicate the territorial power of several great families that played a leading part in Scottish politics between 1470 and 1513. The baronies held by the head of the family have been plotted and linked with the main family centre. No attempt has been made to show the baronies held by lesser members ofthe family. Even so, the complexity of the territorial basis of the power of these families is immediately apparent. Although the power of a family was sometimes concentrated within a single region it was more often widely dispersed. Thus the earl of Angus, in addition to his lands in Angus, held lands in the sheriffdoms of Ayr, Perth, Lanark, Dumfries, Roxburgh and Berwick. The earl of Bothwell held lands in the sheriffdoms of Lanark, Ayr, Dumfries, Roxburgh and Berwick and in the stewartry of Kirkcudbright. The earl of Huntly held lands in the sheriffd@ms of Moray, Inverness, Banff, Aberdeen, Perth and Berwick. It was because these nobles drew their power from such a wide area that they and the families they headed could play a fonnidable part in politics and even try to impose their wi ll upon the king. • Main Murray centre (Darn away) • Baronies of Murray family • Main Lennox centre (Lennox) • Baronies of Lennox family ... Main Home centre (Hume) .. Baronies of Home family • Main Angus centre (Kirriemuir) • Baronies of Angus family e Lennox 0 10 Murray, Lennox, Home and Angus families Murray Elgin 2 Forres 3 AberneLhy Lennox Inchmurrin 2 Dreghorn 3 TarboILon 4 GaJsLon 5 Damley 6 Inchinnan Home I Dunglass 2 Ladykirk 3 Broxfield 4 Hassendean 5 Hownam 6 Ewesdale 7 Touchadam Angus Abernethy 2 Tamallon 3 Douglas 4 JedforesL 5 LiddesdaJe 6 Selk.irk 7 Ewesdale 8 EskdaJe 9 BunkJe and Preston 10 Kilmamock Braidwood Crawford-Lindsay kms 25 , 50 i i 75 , i 100 , ' miles TIR 423
medieval-atlas/social-and-cultural/424 Landed influence in the late fifteenth century Buchan Auchterhouse 2 Kettins 3 Nevay 4 Traquair 5 Kinalty 6 StrathaJvah 7 Mountblairy Crawford BalJinbreich 2 Pitfour 3 Kirkmichael 4 Crawford-Lindsay 5 Glenesk 6 Kinblethmont 7 Kirkbuddo 8 Downie 9 AJyth = 10 Meigle 11 Megginch 12 Cambo 13 Clova 14 Fern 15 Inverarity Morton I Mordington 2 Dalkeith 3 Aberdour 4 Preston Arran Hami lton 2 Carmunnock Drurnsargad 4 Crawfordjohn 5 Stonehouse 6 Machanshire • Main Buchan centre (King Edward) • Baronies of Buchan family • Main Crawford centre (Finavon) • Baronies of Crawford family ... Main Morton centre (Morton) .. Baronies of Morton family • Main Arran centre (Arran) • Baronies of Arran family o I o 10 Buchan, Crawford, Morton and Arran families 25 , 20 kms 50 ,, 30 miles 75, , 50 100 , , 60 TIR 424
medieval-atlas/social-and-cultural/425 Landed influence in the late fifteenth century Bothwell Hailes 2 Morham 3 ElsrickJe 4 Walston 5 Dolphimon 6 Dunsyre 7 Liddesdale 8 Yetholm 9 Wilton 10 Chamberlain-Newton 11 Faimington 12 Whitsome 13 Dryfesdale 14 Kirkmichael 15 Crichton 16 Kilmamock 17 Earlstoun 18 Loquhariot Humly I Schivas 2 Badenoch 3 Midmar 4 Lochaber 5 Tough 6 Strathavon 7 Cluny 8 Glen Tanar 9 Glenmuick 10 Fortingall Gordon Aboyne Auchentorlie Rosneath Strathlachlan Kilmun Kirlcton • Main Bothwell centre (Bothwell) • Baronies of Bothwell family • Main Huntlr centre (Gordon Castle) kms • Baronies 0 Huntly family 0 25 50 75 100 , ,, , , , . ... Main Argyll centre (Lom) .. Baronies of Argyll family 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Bothwell, Huntly and Argyll families TIR 425
medieval-atlas/social-and-cultural/426 Linguistic changes Gaelic is today widely spoken only in the north-west Highlands and islands. Ln the past, Gaelic was more widely spoken. Understanding the past extent of the Gaidhealtachd (Gaelic speaking region) before 1707 is hindered by the variable source material. Four principal categories of evidence may be distinguished: place names; medieval charters and documents which allow a conjectural positioning of the medieval Gaelic language border; localised sources on Gaelic in the seventeenth-century Highlands; and material of 1698 and 1705-1708 which allows the earliest picture of a nationwide Gaidhealtachd. Gaelic was never everywhere spoken by all people in Scotland. Gaelic's decline begins from about A.D. 1100 as the result of several factors including the influence of the court; the authority of the Roman over the Celtic Church; the spread of English-dominated trade; and the waning of Gaelic cultural prestige. By the later 1300s, these processes had led to the emergence of the Highlands as a distinct cultural and linguistic area. South and east Scotland was particularly affected by these changes, the more isolated north and west less so. Yet the Gaelic notes in the Book of Deer, written between 1130 and 1150, suggest that Gaelic was still spoken quite widely in north-east Scotland at that period. Gaelic was probably extinct in Fife, Kinross, and Clackmannan by about 1350. Areas around Caputh and Abernyte in southern Perth shire were only partly Gaelic by the early sixteenth century. Gaelic was probably spoken in south-west Scotland until the late sixteenth century at least. But it should be emphasised that any definition of the medieval Gaidhealtachd must only be conjectural. By the seventeenth century, the Gaelic language was the focus of direct legislative concern. One act spoke of 'English' schools 'rooting out the Irish language, [Gaelic], and other pious uses'. Several schools whose purpose was the teaching of English were in existence in the Highlands before 1696 and others are known in which Gaelic was used. In the 1650s, Gaelic was the only language spoken by a large proportion of the population in the east central Highlands. In Watten in 1658-1659, there were over ninety Gaelic monoglots but no Gaelic-speaking minister. In some parishes along the upland margin, both Gaelic and English were spoken and used in religious administration. Southern Kintyre had a large English-speaking population. In Contin in 1651, Dores (1671), Kilmorack (1651), Kirkhill and Kilteam (1680s), both Gaelic and English were preached. Gaelic and English services were held in Inverness burgh from 1639, from 1657 in Inveraray, and in Campbeltown from 1680. Ln several parishes which we must presume to have been largely Gaelic in the seventeenth century, ministers were settled who had little or no knowledge of the language. In Perthshire in the I 660s, Gaelic was 'commonly in use' in the north-west upland parishes. Glenisla was Gaelic as was northern Alyth. In Glenshee and Strathardle, Gaelic was used in religious administration and was spoken in Lochlee and Lethnot and Navar parishes. It is likely other parishes in northwest Angus were at least partly Gaelic then. By piecing together this fragmentary evidence, we may suggest a conjectural boundary for the Gaidhealtachd in about 1660. It should be stressed that this boundary is not as clear cut on the ground as it is on a map. The ftrst detailed extent of the Gaidhealtachd dates from 1698. Evidence deriving from plans to distribute Gaelic scriptural texts throughout the late seventeenth-century Highlands provides the first detailed guide to parishes in which Gaelic was widely used in daily life and religious ordinance. Several parishes on the borders of, but not included in, the Gaidhealtachd of 1698 also contained numbers of Gaelic speakers. Sources of 1705-1708 allow a more exact identification of these parishes. The whole of Sutherland was reckoned Gaelicspeaking in 1706. Caithness was Gaelic-speaking in its western districts but we are told that 'the people of Week understand English also'. Inverness-shire was almost entirely Gaelic in 1706. In Nairn, Ardclach, Cawdor, and Edinkillie parishes, religious administration in Gaelic was 'absolutely necessary'. In Aberdeenshire, Glenmuick Tullich and Glengairn, Crathie and Braemar, Strathdon, Cabrach, and Mortlach were all strongly Gaelic in 1705 as was upland Perthshire. Several parishes in south-east Perthshire had pockets of Gaelic speakers in the period 1698-1708. The town of Dunkeld was 'divided equally' between Gaelic and English speakers in 1705. [n Kirriemuir parish, Angus, over sixty Gaelic-speaking families were resident in the Glenprosen district in 1705 with smaller Gaelic communities elsewhere in the parish. Arrochar, Rhu [Row1, Buchanan, Drymen, Luss and Rosneath were all ' Highland parishes' in 1708, but evidence of 1705 suggests that only one-quarter of the parish population actually spoke Gaelic in Drymen. [n Rosneath, the figure was about one-half of the parish population Gaelic speaking. Gaelic and English were both commonly spoken on Bute and Arran, Gaelic prevailing on the west side of Arran, English on the east. No definitive statements can be made on shifting social patterns of Gaelic before 1707, or on the numbers speaking Gaelic at this time since hearth and poll tax records give an incomplete coverage for the Highlands. The suggestion that about 30% of Scotland's population of about 900,000 persons in the late I 690s spoke Gaelic must be considered a rough approximation. 426
medieval-atlas/social-and-cultural/427 Linguistic changes .... .....;...•. /.< i , {.......' ------........... '" ,. ""...................~.\\\ .. ..'.......::.,..... \ : ........................ - ".. '~ () I : ' \ if \ -'" ••••••,0' \.J , o , ..... / ....;;..:;..,..;:..,.... / " .•;r-'", , ,... / ....
medieval-atlas/social-and-cultural/428 Linguistic changes Kirriemuir , Forfar kms 10 . ~. No. Parish Name Aberlour Abernethy Boharm Cromdale Duthel Inveraven Kingussie Kirkmichael Knockando 10 11 12 13 Laggan Rothes FoningalI Blair Atholl __ • et Conjectural boundary of ttie Gaelic speaking area c.1660 Recorded instances of both Gaelic and English being preached in burgh chapels 14 15 Killin Kenmore E===:J Numbers of native monoglots recorded Dull ~in sources dated c. 1656 17 18 Weem Moulin mnTl Gaelic 'The common language of the parish' llllWrecorded in sources dated c. 1660 Kirkmichael Logierait ~Main areas of lowland settlement in Dunkeld & Dowally ~Kintyre and Glendaruel c. 1678 Little Dunkeld 23 24 Campbeltown Southend Recorded instances of parish minister preaching in both Gaelic and English kms • Recorded instances of parish minister being unable to preach in Gaelic 0 I 25 , 50 ,, 75 , , 100 ,. Parish boundary miles Gaelic in Scotland about 16bb - -County boundary CWJW 428
medieval-atlas/social-and-cultural/429 Linguistic changes ",' kms 0 I 25 , 50 ,, 75 , , 100 , , miles -The boundary of the Gaidhea/tachd in 1698 'Wholly Irish (Gaelic) and Highland countreys', 1705-1708 f------j Gaelic spoken by a few families in the parish 'Ye severall parishes bordering on the Highlands', 1698-1708 1-"--L.--'----"-1 Parishes not specifically recorded as Gaelic, '----_--' 1698-1708, but known to be so from later sources. Parish boundary --• County boundary Gaelic in Scotland about 1700 CWJW 429
medieval-atlas/social-and-cultural/430 Mottes The motte or castle-mound is the best-known type of military fortification that is associated with the introduction into twelfth century Scotland offeudal land tenure and institutions. They survive most characteristically as scarped earthen mounds usually in the form of a truncated cone which often simply 'improves' a natural eminence or promontory. The summit area of the motte is usually circular on plan, but oval and rectilinear plan-types have been identified. The base of the mound is often defined by an encircling dry ditch, the upcast of which would probably be used in the construction of the motte itself. A number of mottes are set within, or lie adjacent to, enclosures or baileys, which are themselves often protected by independent systems of banks and ditches. Recent investigations have tended to suggest that in Scotland, as in other parts of the British Isles, there are roughly circular enclosures of a similar character known as ringworks. Archaeological excavations carried out at sites elsewhere in Britain have also demonstrated that a small ringwork or other structure or monument ofearlier date may form the substructure of a motte, a building sequence which is now being taken into account in the study of early castles in Scotland. Excavated sites represent only a very small proportion of the total number of mottes in Scotland, and the published archaeological evidence is still by no means suffi cient to permit broad generalisa tions about their dating and charac ter. The most recent national census produced a total of 3 18 known and possible motte-sites in Scotland, but this provisional list is being revised in the light of current fieldwork. The geographical distribution of these sites shows that by far the greatest concentration of mottes more than half their total number-i ,~,~,-~ ~ ........ -v to be found in south-west Scotland between the Clyde and the Solway. There is a less dense but appreciable scatter of mottes in central Scotland and north from the River Forth to the coast of the Moray Firth. They are, however, more numerous in regions such as the semi-independent principality of Galloway where royal authority was less clearly acknowledged at this time. In Galloway and in certain other areas the distribution of mottes extends beyond the detailed evidenceofthe feudal geography of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries that is provided by the written record. But in other regions for which there is rather more abundant documentary information, a greater proportion of surviving mottes can often be correlated with the centres offiefs, and in these cases the motte-builders appear to have been private feudatories of varying ranks and social status. The relative profusion ofmottes in Nithsdale and upper Clydesdale, for example, seems to reflect a tenurial structure ofsmall fiefs, many of which are known to have been held directly of the Scottish crown. Mottes also occur in some numbers within some of the larger feudal estates such as the lordship of Annandale, where their distribution appears tocoincide with both demesne lands and sub-infeudated tenancies. Conversely, however, surviving mottes and motte-sites, and possibly other comparable types of earthwork castle, are scarce in regions such as the Lothians and the Merse where fairly intensive feudal settlement is known to have taken place. kms 0 I 25 , 50 i i 75 i i 100 miles • Mottes Distribution of mottes 430
medieval-atlas/social-and-cultural/431 Moated sites A moated site is defined here as an enclosure of medieval date, As yet not a great deal is known of the datespan within the usually rectilinear on plan, surrounded by a broad ditch which may medieval period of moated sites in Scotland, although they rarely or may not have been water-fi lled. A number ofproblems attend their occur outside the known areas ofAnglo-Norman penetration. Those study in Scotland and only the most convincing sites have been in England are thought to have their beginnings in the late twelfth included. For example, whilst moated sites possessed some defencentury and their rate of construction to have reached its peak sive qualities they were not essentially military in character, and between about 1250 and 1350, declining thereafter. The scant omitted from the map are those sites whose defences were developed evidence for Scotland is not inconsistent with these dates and also to the point where they are better considered to be component parts points to the seigneurial status, both secular and ecclesiastical, ofthe of timber castles; there is inevitably a degree of subjectivity in sites. The buildings which stood upon moated sites and the functions deciding when that point has been reached. Omitted too are moats which were carried out from them, therefore, would have been enclosing stone castles. To the south of the Forth identification is primarily administrative, economic and domestic. Ln this regard they further complicated by the presence of large numbers of prehistoric did not differ from estate centres which were enclosed, or enclosed rectilinear settlements which, on surface remains alone, may be only by a light stockade or wall, and which seem likely to have indistinguishable from moated sites. existed in far greater numbers, but to have left little or no discernible trace in the archaeological record. ~Shethi Old Rayne •• '-...., f ( . >"!!ilWo~~Bethelnie . ~Kinbattoch ~LOChDavan---~Montrose's Trench o ( • Fordoun Hillh~d~ ... "' Symington Pill ". ....,-./~ Muirhouselaw Ioomlield '> " Garpol Water \ ~DYkeh~ad Ladywell ( C tl h'l . ' .rren~land . • ... • as e I Watcarrtck / Eccles House • ~e~itage Chapel Th \ d }. Klrndean e rc ar • Gotterbie Moor . • Mains 01 Aucheni!~~co Penntnghame Queens Hill ~oodhall .J""'..r--..~./ palac~ar~.t.. . (Boreland ql Kelton < mbie.f.Whlnnyltgg~te ~"'ooz kms o 25 50 75 100 I , ;' . o 10 20 30 40 50 60 • Moated sites miles Distribution of moated sites PC 431
medieval-atlas/social-and-cultural/432 Castles and strongpoints This map shows castles, fortified towns and other strongpoints for broad definition of the word 'castle' is taken and range from the which there is some evidence that they were in existence or played earthwork and drystone fortification of Dunaverty to sophisticated a part, however small, in the events of 1286 to 1315. In some cases structures at Bothwell and Caerlaverock. Some 'strongpoints', such (for example J
medieval-atlas/social-and-cultural/433 Defensible houses • cO· 0 • • ~ .. " 00 • • • •• . • •• ~... •• • • •o a$J• • ' ~ • • • .. . ... • • • • • ..: •••• • •• • In most areas the typical residence of the landed proprietor was the towerhouse, and buildings of this class were widely distributed throughout the lowlands, being particularly numerous in the rich agricultural lands of the Forth, Tay and Dee estuaries. Some of these towers had been erected during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries but the majority were of sixteenth and seventeenth century date. The survey of documentary and structural evidence for towerhouses in Scotland is incomplete and it is not yet practical to include a map of their distribution in the whole of Scotland. Work in the Borders and northern England, however, has shown that large towers were built only by men of the highest status. Smaller towers of sixteenth century date were numerous in the Scottish dales, and were occupied by the local lairds and their kindred. English men of comparable local power were normally much poorer, the tenants of absentee lords, or of the crown, and built themselves small gabled defensible farmhouses, the pelehouses. These buildings are extremely rare in Scotland, and the rather larger and better-built bastle houses are also relatively uncommon. The latter were the homes of richer men who lived in towns or other • • • • • •• 6 • • ·....,. • • Tower Bastle Pelehouse Uncertain places where defence could be subordinated to convenience of living, and the later bastle houses resemble the seventeenth century unfortified house of the southern lowlands. In the north-west Highlands and the Western Isles, only the wealthiest lairds occupied even small tower-houses, and other types ofstone castle, and lesser proprietors often made do with lake-dwellings. These structures, little different in essence from prehistoric crannogs, usually took the form of a small island, wholly or partly of artificial origin, situated close to the shore of an inland loch and sometimes joined to it by a causeway; typically they contained two or three single-storeyed buildings of dry-stone or timber construction, the perimeter of the island itself occasionally being enclosed by a defensive wall. The sixteenth and seventeenth century defensible houses of Scotland, northern England and Ireland contrast with the contemporary buildings in Wales and southern England, where men of wealth did not expect to have to fortify their houses. In the former area, through lack of an effective central authority, seJf defence was necessary, and in the troubled Borders even relatively small landholders looked to their own protection . • .0 • • ~L'> . • ... .·6 6 • .'.' • • ......•• : ;.:. / , ........ • ·N·· ~ •• ->-' 6 -_ .... 00 6 6 •• 0 ~ ~ • 00 00 0 • 66 • • • kms I I I 0 10 20 30 miles Defensible houses in southern Scotland and northern England about 1500 to 1625 PD, JGD 433
medieval-atlas/social-and-cultural/434 Defence with guns The development of large artillery in the fifteenth century posed an enonnous threat to traditional, high, stone-walled castles. [t was also seen that guns had potential in defence. Several Scottish castles built from the late fifteenth century onwards show the influence of guns, typically the provision of embrasures for their use, but in a few cases like Dunbar blockhouse (about 1520) and the spurworks at Edinburgh and Stirling castles (1540s) a considerable departure from traditional castle design to withstand the impact of enemy artillery. In the wars of the Rough Wooing (1547-50) a radically different type of fortification was introduced first by the English and then by the French forces in Scotland. Trace ilaiienne fortifications with massive, low earth works and large pointed bastions were a considerable improvement on traditional castles. They could mount large guns defensively and, most important, were so designed that Noltland Castle Earl's Palace, Birsay Bishop's Palace, Kirkwall Balvenie Castle Tolquhon Castle Aberdeen Dunnottar Castle Castle Menzies Elcho Castle Claypotts Castle Balgillo Fort St Andrews Castle St Andrews Cathedral Burleigh Castle Lochleven Castle Macduffs Castle Ravenscraig Castle Bumtisland Fort Inchkeith Fort Leith Fort Edinburgh Castle Edinburgh Town Walls Craigmillar Castle Inchcolm Fort Inchgarvie Castle Blackness Castle Linlithgow Palace Kinneil House Stirling Castle Stirling Town Walls Inveresk Fort Cadzow Castle Craignethan Castle Boghall Castle Drochill Castle Peebles Town Wall Crichton Castle Luffness Fort Tantallon Castle Haddington Fort Bames Castle Dunbar CastleIFort Dunglass Fort Eyemouth Fort Lauder Fort Newark Castle Littledean Castle Caelaverock Castle Threave Castle Castle Semple all approaches could be raked with gunfire. These forts in Scotland perfonned well. The only one of strength overrun in a direct as sault was the English fort at Balgillo outside Dundee, taken by a combined French and Scottish force in February 1550 after an artil lery bombardment. On the other hand both the English in Haddington in 1548-9 and the French in Leith in 1559-60 with stood major assaults. Trace italienne fortifications seem to have had practically no influence on Scottish fortifications in the sixteenth century. Of course, complicated earthworks may not have been deemed appro priate for many nobles' and lairds' houses but several did show a concern for defence which might have been better served by some such system. They could also have been applied to the major royal castles and some of the burghs. The 'French spur' at Stirling castle may be the responsibility of the French about 1559. 1~ t& ~----, 2~~ 0 ~ kms 0..... QO ; -.-:Z~5~5::;:S):...,..,..:..7~5~1 0204060 miles 0 38 .... •39 0 34 • Castles, towers and precincts before about 1550 ... Trace italienne forts (English and French) o Castles, towers and precincts after about 1550 Defence with guns before about 1600 DHC 434
medieval-atlas/social-and-cultural/435 The Crusades The Crusading movement had an impact which extended beyond the period of the Latin kingdom ofJerusalem (1099-1291) and which influenced many more people than the relatively small number of Scots who actually went on crusade. Its impact can be traced in oral tradition, propaganda, diplomacy, historiography in the endowment of religious institutions which had a crusading origin or raison d'etre, and in the survival and influence of these institution. The most notable of them were the Templars and Hospitallers but there also was a hospital of Bethlehemite canons at St Germains (East Lothian) a number of Trinitarian houses 'for the redemption of captives of the infidel' and endowments of the Lazarites and of the hospital of St Thomas of Acre. The crusading movement can be said to have had a significant art in bringing remote little Scotland into the fold of unified western Christendom in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries and thereafter the movement had a long history. • Malta There are traces of a Scottish presence on the first Crusade (1095-99) and thereafter on all the major 'passages' to the Holy Land in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. After the loss ofAcre (1291), Scots are found fighting the heathen in Spain, Egypt and Turkey, and between mid-fourteenth century and the battle of Tannenberg (1410) a good number of Scottish aristocrats journeyed to Konigsberg to fight with the Teutonic Knights. There is a welldocumented connection between Scotland and the Knights HospitaJlers, first at Rhodes (1310-1522) and thereafter at Malta (from 1530); not only were there Scottish brother of the order serving at the convent and administering its Scottish properties, but also there are a number ofexamples of Scottish laymen engaged in military service with the Knights The accompanying map shows some of the most important locations known to have been visited by Scots-engaged in crusading activities. Acre 1190, 1272 • • Jerusalem Alexandria 1099 1365 Damietta 1218, 1248 kms blq
medieval-atlas/social-and-cultural/436 Military orders in Scotland Writing about 1185, William ofTyre commented about the Knights Templars: 'There is not a province of the Christian world which has not granted a portion of its wealth to these brothers; and they may now be said to have wealth like the opulence of kings'. Together with their rivals the Knights Hospitallers they began to accumulate lands in Scotland from the first half of the twelfth century, which consisted of substantial baronies such as Temple and Torphichen, and also a large number of tiny tenements or 'templelands' scattered up and down the country. King Malcolm IV ( 1153-65) is said to have granted a toft in every royal burgh to the Hospitallers and another to the Templars, but the templelands are by no means restricted to the burghs. They are found in all parts of the country except in the Northern and Western Isles, Caithness and Sutherland, Wester Ross, western Inverness-shire, Argyll and Bute. The Templars in Scotland had been suppressed in 1312 following the general suppression of the order throughout Europe, and their propeny passed to the Hospitallers between then and the end of Roben l's reign (1306-29). It is not always easy to know Number of Templelands none 41-60 1-20 61 -80 ::::::::::: 21-40 81-100 Temple lands, by county what lands in Lindsay's rental had previously belonged to the Templars and what had belonged to the Hospitallers. In the sixteenth century the most dense concentrations of templelands are in Midlothian and West Lothian, Ayrshire, Fife and Angus, with areas of secondary density in Aberdeenshire, Penhshire, Dumbarton and Lennox, Lanarkshire and Galloway. More thinly spread are Dumfriesshire, Berwickshire, Meams, the Border counties, and the coastal strip round the Moray Firth. In East Lothian, Peebles and probably also Renfrewshire the returns in the rental appear to be incomplete and the number of templelands cannot now be determined. All in all , Lindsay's rental provides a fascinating picture of the estate management of a prosperous institution, partly religious but partly increasingly secularised, in the first half of the sixteenth century, at a time when religious and economic change was affecting the country. The distribution of the little temple lands, taken together with that of the baronies, lands 'by thir baronys' and churches, shows the areas in which the work of the Military Orders during the Crusades had been most appreciated. ~Lovat .r
medieval-atlas/social-and-cultural/437 Schools This map records all documented schools before the first act of parliament (1633) which introduced an element of compulsion, omitting, however, highland schools as not acceptable of easy categorisation. It shows a much more nationwide spread than local historians of education are apt to reveal. The 1560 Book of Discipline planned a school in every parish, a prospect which the violence of Reformation conflict could only hinder. The first object was to restart medieval schools where extant, especially in towns, since there boarding facilities were more available. The post-Reformation reader replaced the chaplain as customary rural teacher, existing chaplains continuing sometimes as readers, though several parishes chose to have a separate schoolmaster. A full four-year grammar course was less usual than the more rudimentary Latin one of two years or so, yet Latin was a central Renaissance requirement, if not any longer for churchmen a vocational necessity. This vernacular education slowly took on greater prominence. Music teaching was revived with support for lames VI and was more widely available as his reign proceeded: the figures for song schools hardly do justice to the basic musical education that seemingly went on. While most rural schools occupied a site in the parish kirk or a nearby chapel, a significant proportion of schools were 'adventure' schools sponsored to an extent at least by lay heritors. The unexpectedly large number of school sites must reflect population growth, though some may only have existed sporadically from lack of the sound maintenance called for in the submissions to the 1627 commissioners: though again these reports must be treated with caution. The relatively large number may also be related to the 1616 statute of privy council. Documentary dates assigned here however should not be relied upon as more than provisional indications, as our awareness of schools may be determined more by the increased documentation rather than by any other factor. kms 0 I 25, 50 ,, 75, , 100 ,. miles Distribution of Lowland schools before 1633 ID 437
medieval-atlas/social-and-cultural/438 Schools • School 1ii37 Date first recorded C Continued after the Reformation nd No date P Parish RB Royal burgh G Grammar school V Vernacular school F Fencing school D Dutch school Fr French school SL Song Latin school H Hospital school w Woman's school Wr Writing, school Aberdeen I. Auld Auchindoir 1633 P L Rhynie 1626 P L Dumbennan (Dunbennan) 1631 Huntly 1613 L Alford 1618 P Forgue 1628 P L Rayne 1602 P L Chapel of Garioch >1631 PL Turriff 1586 P L 10. Kemnay 1628 P 11. Pittodrie 1633 L 12. Fyvie 1633 PL 13. Inverurie 1606 P(RB) G 14. Kintore 1619 P(RB) 15. Kinkell 1602 P 16. Carnie 1630 P 17. Methlick 1614 P 18. Straloch 1621 19. Tarves 1621 P 20. Udny 1614 P 21. Aberdour 1574,1563 P 22. Aberdeen C P(RB) G(2) S(2) 23. Drumwhindle 1617 24. Belhelvie 1628 P L 25. Ellon 1602 P L S Wr 26. Deer nd P 27. Logie Buchan 1610 P 28 .Fraserburgh 160 I P G 29. Newburgh 1605 30. Lonmay 1613 P 31. Longside 1626 P L S 32. Slains 1608 P 33. Crimond 1601 P 34. Cruden 1606 P 35. Peterhead 1597 P L 36. Birse 1629 P L 37. Kincardine O'Neil 1625 P L Angus Kettins > 1602 P L Newtyle 1622 P L Liff 1626 P Nevay 1623 P Dundee C P(RB) G S Glamis >1610 Kirriemuir 1598 PL Balmuir Mill 16 I 9 Tealing 1609 P 10. Mains 1613 P 11. Forfar 1576 P(RB) L 1:2. OathJaw 1628 PL 11. Fern 1619PL- 14. Monifeith 1599 P L 15. Rescobie 1610 P 16. Menmuir 1628 PM 17. Barry 1598 P L 18. Carmyllie 1574 L 19. Arbirlot 1602 P L 20. Brechin nd P(RB) 21. Arbroath 1620 P(RB) L 22. Logie Montrose (now Logie Pert) nd P Fr K 23. Craig 1632 24. Montrose 1566 P(RB) G S 25. Fordoun 1609 P 26. Lauriston 1630 L 27. Ardestie 163 I 28. Inverkeilor 1611 P L Argyll I. Inveraray 1619 P(RB) G Kilmeny 1622 P Kilberry 1617 P L Kilmichael Glassary 1629 P L Lochhead 1622 Ayr Largs 1595 P L Blair (Castle) 1625 Dailly 1630 P Maybole 1602 P L Dalry 1625 P L Drumellan 1631 Kilbirnie 1617 P Irvine 1586 P(RB) G Ladyland 1600 10. Kirkmichael 1630 P II.AyrC P(BR) G S Wr 12. Beith 1617 P 13. Hessilhead 1604 14. St Quivox 1621 15. West Killbride 1603 P L 16. Kilmaurs 1614 P . 17. Kilmarnock 1591 PG 18. Stewarton > 1620 P L 19. Tarbolton 1601 P L 20. Galston 1627 P 21. Mauchline 1622 P L 22. Newmilns 1601 P L P 23. Cumnock 1599 P L 24. Kilwinning 1605 P L 25. Dundonald 1606 P 26. Fenwick 1638 27. Colmonell 1630 P L Banff I. Inveravon 1633 P L Mortlach 1228 P L Keith 1620 P L Rathven 1600 P Grange 1631 PL Ordens 1633 Cullen C P(RB) G Fordyce 1624 P L Baldavie 1629 10. Alvah 1626 P L I I. Banff C P(RB) Berwick I. Lauder>1621 P(RB) L Earlston 1607 Rumbletonlaw 1622 L Hume 1612 P Greenlaw >1633 P Kennetsidehead 1629 Ednam 1560? P L Hassington 1622 Hardacres 1620 10. Polwarth 1586 PL 11. Choice lee 1609 12. Fogo 1632 13. Cockburnspath 1619 P L 14. Langton 1600 P L 15. Duns 1600P 16. Bughtrig 1605 17. Butterdean 1592? 18. Old Cambus 1620 19. Edrom 1630 P 20. West Renton 1618 P 21. Chirnside > 1629 22. East Reston 1993 23. COldingham 1587 P 24. Foulden 1619 P 25. Ayton 1583 P 26. Paxton 1619 27. Eyemouth 1594 L Bute I. Rothesay 1619 Lowland schools before 1633 438 Caithness I. Thurso 1628 P L Wick 1617P Dornoch 1588 P(RB) G Clackmannan I.AlloaP Clackmannan 1590 P G Tillicoultry 1627 P Dunharton Dunbarton 1576 P(RB) G S Kilpatrick 1622 P L Lenzie 1625 P Kirkintilloch nd P L Dumfries I. Sanquhar 1598 P(RB) L Moffat 1612 P G Drumlanrig 1619 Dunscore 1629 P L Dumfries C P(RB) G Tinwald 1627 P Annan 1628 P(RB) L Dornock 1633 P East Lothian Prestonpans 1591 PG (3 tongues) Elphinstone 1624 L Tranent 1594 P Seton 1633 P Pencaitland 1613 P Saltoun 1589 P Aberlady 1615 P Gullane 1598 P Drem 1629 P 10. Haddington C P(RB) G S V W I!. Bothans 1606 P 12. North Berwick 1581 P(RB) 13. Whittinghame 1620 P 14. Tyninghame 1600 P L 15. Dunbar 1564 PGV 16. East Barns 1612 17. Innerwick 1630 P 18. Oldhamstocks > 1577 P L Fife I. Abdie 1624 P L Newburgh 1597 P(RB) G Leslie 1623 P Falkland 1589 P(RB) G Largo 1623 P L Collessie 1631 P Markinch > 1622 PL Monimail 1632 P Kingskettle 1571 P L 10. Auchtermuchty 1570 P(RB) L 11. Kennoway 1575 P L 12. Cupar 1564 P(RB) G 13. Leven >1633 L 14. Scoonie 1626 P 15. Logie 1630 PL 16. Forgan 1599 (RB) G 17. Newburn 1630P 18. Leuchars 1594 P L 19. KiJconquhar 1594 P 20. Elie 1600 P 21. Abercrombie 1617 P L 22. St Andrews C P(RB) G(4) H S(20)V 23. Carnbee 1613 PL 24. Dunino 1631 PL 25. Pittenweem 1592 P G 26. Kinglassie 1630 P 27. Anstruther Easter 1624 (RB) L 28. Anstruther Wester 1595 (RB) L 29. Kilrenny 1625 P(RB) L 30. Crail C P(RB) G 31. Culross 1585 P(RB) G 32. Kincardine >1618 33. Torryburn 1620 P
medieval-atlas/social-and-cultural/439 Midlothian 29. Alyth 1607 P Schools 34. Carnock 1628 P L 35. Dunfermline C P(RB) G S W Wr 36. Inverkeithing C P(RB) G 37. Keltiehaugh 1627 Mixed 38. Aberdour >1629 P L 39. Auchtertool1631 PL 40. Burntisland 1587 P(RB) G 41. Kirkcaldy nd P(RB) G 42. Kinghorn 1575 P(RB) G 43. Dysart 1579 P(RB) G Inverness I. Inverness C P(RB) G Kincardine I. Bervie 1614 P(RB) L Banchory Devenick 1621 P L Ecclesgreig 1620 P L Arbuthnott Benholm >1619 P L Chapel of Barras 1623 Fetteresso 1628 P L Urie 1618 Kinross Kinross 1615 p' Cleish 1633 P Kirkcudbright I. Minnigaff 1622 P Dairy (St John's Clachan) > 1626 P(RB) Kirkcudbright 1577 P(RB) G W Buinle 1631 P Grennan 1631 New Abbey 1628 P Craigend 1630 Lanark I. Bothwell1612 P Govan 1614 P Rutherglen 1590 P(RB) G Peel 1616 L Carrnunnock 21607 P Gorbal 1633 Glasgow C P(RB) G S V ( 1+) East Kilbride 1591 P L Cambuslang 1598 P 10. Blantyrel611 P 11. Strathaven 1626 P L 12. Earnock 1619 13. Glassford 1620 P 14. Hamilton 1570 P(RB) G S 15. Shirrel 1624 16. Stonehouse 1630 P 17. Carfin 1627 18. Dalserf 1619 P 19. Lesmahagow 1623 PL 20. Cambusnethan 1627 P 21. Meikle Hareshaw 1605 22. Douglas>1633 P 23. Carluke 1620 P L 24. Crawfordjohn 1599 P L 25. Shotts 1629 P 26. Lanark nd P(RB) G S 27. Carstairs 1619 P 28. Crawfordjohn 1630 P 29. Wiston 1612 30. Stobwood 1620 31. Lamington > 1622 P L 32. Covington 1620 P 33. Libberton 1631 P 34. Carnwath 1617 P L 35. Quothquan 163 36. Coulter 1620 P 37. Biggar 1608 P 38. Dunsyre 1626 P 39. Dolphinton 1624 P L I. Canongate C P G Newbattle 1617 P L S Midcalder>161 I P L Kirknewton 1627 P Ratho 1599 P Liberton 1598 P Cramond 1599 P L Leith (South) 1598 P Leith 1598 P G S 10. Edinburgh C P(RB) D Fe Fr G SV(3+)Wr 11. Duddingston 1630 P 12. Lasswade 1615 PL 13. Cockpen 1602 p. 14. Dalkeith 1591 PG 15. Fisherrow >1615 16. Inveresk >1615 P 17. Musselburgh 1580 (part of Inveresk) G S 18. Crichton 1627 P 19.Cranston 1631 P 20. Stow 1628 P 21. Hailes 1599 P (RB) G S Moray I. Forres 1582 P(RB) G Cromdale 1627 P L Elgin CP (RB) G S Urquhart > 1631 P Nairn I. Auldearn 1582 P(RB) G Orkney I. Stromness 1630 P Kirkwall C P (RB) G S South Ronaldsay 1627 P Peebles I. Skirling 1632 P Glenholm 1625 P Broughton 1630 P West Linton 1602 P Stobo 1604 P Brig of Lyne 1614 Lyne 1600 Henderland 1633 Peebles C P (RB) GS 10. Traquhair 1617 PL 11. Bold (=West Bold?) 1621 Perth I. Killin 1627 P Doune 1632 P Balloch 1618 Muthill 1583 P Blackford 1613 P (see also Strageath) Strageath 1583 P L Bonskeid 1621 Tullibardine 1599 P Fowlis Wester 1616 P L 10. Auchterarder 1610 P 11. Madderty 1632 P 12. Dunning 1610 P 13. Methven 1632 P L 14. Dunkeld C P (RB) G 15. Tibbermore 1611 P 16. Perth C P (RB) G S 17. Scone 1610 P L 18. St Martins> 1629 P L 19. Kinclaven 1609 P L 20. Kinfauns 1613 P 21. Abernethy 1632 P L 22. Rattray 1606 P L 23. St Madoes 1595 P 24. Tullymurdoch 1603 L 25. Chapel hill 1622 26. Kilspindie 1614 P 27. Coupar Angus (formerly in Angus) 1581 PG 28. Kinnaird 1613 P L Lowland schools before 1633 439 30. Erroll >1626 P L 31.1nchture 1613 P Renfrew. I. Lochwinnoch 1622 P 2. Kilmacolm 1623 P 3.Inchinnan 1623 P L Paisley C P G S V W Renfrew 1595 P(RB) L Mearns (now Mearnskirk) 1605 7. Cathcart 1603 P Ross and Cromarty I. Dingwall1569 P(RB) Kiltearn 1631 P L S Alness 1628 P L Ross Chanonry nd P(RB) G Cromarty 1580 P(RB) G Tain 1630 P(RB) G S (1595) Roxburgh I. Hawick 1592 P G Melrose 1608 P L Hobkirk 1619'P Lessudden 1631 P Bedrule 1618 Maxton 1611 P Southdean 1620 P Hundalee 1608 Smailholm 1622 P 10. Mellerstain 1605 11. Jedburgh 1569 P(RB) 12. Roxburgh 1631 P(RB) 13. Eckford 1608 P 14. Samieston >1619 15. Maxwellheugh 1628 16. Kelso 1585 PL(G?) 17. Caverton 1617 18. Hownam 1609 P 19. Morebattle 1628 P L 20. Primside Mill 1617 21. Colmslie 1622 Selkirk I. Linlehope 1619 Ashkirk 1618 P Selkirk 1608 P(RB) G Boleside 1617 P Galashiels >1630 P Minto 1616 P Shetland I. Scalloway 1612 P L 2. Dore 1582 Stirling Dunblane C P(RB) G Drymen 1624 P Killearn 1630 P L Branshogle 1620 Kilsyth 1590 P Stirling C P(RB) G S V(1 +) Logie 1627 PG late V Slamannan 1632 P Falkirk 1594 P West Lothiam I. Linlithgow 1575 P(RB) Bo'ness 1630 L Livingston 1633 P . Abercorn 1620 P Luffness 1626 P Wigtown I. Glenluce 1632 P Stranraer 1614 P(RB) Longcastle.1581 P Wigtown 1583 P(RB) G Whithorn 1628 P(RB) Bysbie 1631
medieval-atlas/social-and-cultural/440 440
medieval-atlas/regional-and-local/441 Regional and local Innse Gall in the thirteenth century The Kingdom of the Isles, extending from the Calf of Man to the Butt of Lewis, emerged as a political unit in the tenth and eleventh centuries. Contemporary nomenclature by both Norwegian (the Sudreys) and Gael (lnnse Gall -the Foreigners Isles) reflected a strong Scandinavian presence. By the twelfth century at latest, Norwegian overlordship in matters both secular and religious had been established, and was to continue until the treaty of Perth in 1266. The dynasty of Godred (or Godfrey) Crovan (d. about 1095), based in Man, originally ruled all the isles, but lost control (about 1156) of the Islay and Mull groups of islands and probably of the Uists also, to Somerled ofArgyll. Somerled had married Godred's granddaughter and is the ancestor of the MacDougalls,the MacRuaris and the later MacDonald Lords of the Isles. The map indicates the , oHirta , (St. Kilda) ... , North~\ BenbeculaQj, I So",h Ui"~ I Barra n,. ~isimul \ , , , ... likely division ofterritory between the kings of Man and the house of Somerled . .The areas of the mainland where Somerled's descendants are known or believed to have been major landowners, subject to the king of Scots, are also shown. The list of castles should be regarded as tentative. The dating and classification of Hebridean castles is notoriously fraught with problems. The intention is to include stone castles (or, in the case of Cairnburg, Iselburg and Dun Chonnel, strongly fortified sites) probably in existence by the end of the thirteenth century. Without doubt, many older brochs and duns were also in at least occasional occupation then and later. lZZJ Innse Gall ~ Territory of Somerled subject to the king of Scots before 1266 e:m Mainland possession of king of Man Territory of Somerled's descendants to Norwegian overlordship before 1266 Under control of king of Scots by 1250 • Castle: reasonably certain existence o Castle: conjectural existence • Monastic House + Cathedral .x, Battle kms ~"ft 0 2,5 50 75 100' I i i i i ~:n 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles Innse Gall in the thirteenth century WDHS 441
medieval-atlas/regional-and-local/442 The Lordship of the Isles The lands which belonged to the Lords of the Isles, descendants of Somerled of Argyll, in 1475 were acquired in a variety of ways and were all held from the king of Scots following the Treaty of Perth in 1266. Expanding from the family's base in Islay, some lands were granted or confirmed by Robert I and David Il as reward for support in the wars of independence, partly at the • Greenan Islay Confirmed to Angus Og by Robert I (Lochaber, Ardnamurchan, Morvern) ~Garmoran, 1346 ~ Quitclaimed by Lorn in 1354 (Mull part Tiree part Jura) ~ Confirmed in 1376 (Kintyre and part Kept by MacDougalls in 1354 but with Lord of the Isles by 1409 Earldom of Ross . . Owned by E of Ross (Skye, N Argyll) Lands associated with earldom of Ross [[[l] Uncertain perhaps with earldom of Ross (Lewis, Harris) expense of the MacDougalls. Others were acquired through the marriage of John, Lord of the Isles first with the heiress of the MacRuaris of Garmoran and later with a daughter of the Steward of Scotland (the future King Robert Il), and of Donald, Lord of the Isles with the daughter of WiIliam, earl of Ross. kms o 25, 50 75 100 I i i i i i o 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles The Lordship of the Isles: lands from 13th century to 1475 JM,RWM 442
medieval-atlas/regional-and-local/443 The Lordship ofthe Isles Most of the acts ofthe Lords ofthe Isles ofwhich the texts survive acts themselves relate to the Isles. Of the others, places of origin record the place and date ofissue. While the lordship was held along are scattered throughout the southern part of the lordship; if any with the earldom of Ross -that is, from at least 1437 until 1475 -were issued on the seaboard or islands north ofArdnamurchan, none places within the mainland earldom predominate, even when the is known to have survived. @) John 1336 -1387 km. @ Donald -1423 0 25 , 50 75 100 , ,, , , 5 Alexander -1449 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 2 John -1493 miles JM, RWM Place-dates: the Lords of the Isles 1336 to 1493 443
medieval-atlas/regional-and-local/444 The Lordship ofthe Isles A remarkable series of stone castles built on the western seaboard and islands, where traffic in peace and war was essentially by sea, are evidence ofthe power and influence ofthe Lords ofthe Isles and their branch families and adherents. Many of the ruins are ,J\ c; Dunscaith C V ~\ I amus o Kislmul V Cl .~ TiOram~ 7nVerlOChY ,/.} ~~'nary BreaCaChad~ '" . TireiY Aros Ardtomish .JCoeffln .~ /~(". Calrnbur h e?"GAchadun 9 Duart , Dunstaffnage ~Y-t-? Qunollie Dunchonnel • ~ ~ tJ ~ Craignish ~/I. -!f' ;("'00" r~::..;;., LOCh90~:jg ic': eitl . s~~e~~~~F:say univaig J (OChranza ,~irds ~BrodiC';;) L difficult to date, and some forts and duns of prehistoric origin show signs of later occupation and re-use. Those shown on the map are mentioned in documents, chronicles or topographical accounts written before 1550, when the last attempt to restore the Lordship of the Isles had ended. Kilker~n.f. ... ~ ~. Castle Donan Dunaverty kms o 25 50 75 100 I , , :' I, • o 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles JM,RWM The Lordship of the Isles: castles 444
medieval-atlas/regional-and-local/445 The Lordship ofthe Isles After the forfeiture of the earldom of Ross in 1475 and of the families who had held them from the forfeited superior. Charters Lordship of the Isles in 1493, their territories were granted by the in the Register of the Great Seal indicate those to whom the lands crown mainly to the heads of Clan Donald branches or other leading passed following the forfeitures. LEWISAND HARRIS &> W," MACDONALD~ MACNEILL~ BARRA MACNEILL () MACDONALD "- MACKINTOSH, MACLEAN, GORDON ...... ~~~~~~~~f-.ARDNAMUR~CLAN MORVERN7MACLEAN. MACLA MACALISTER ETC. Earldom of Ross forfeited 1475 later royal dukedom Lordship of the Isles forfeited 1475 -restored 1476 forfeited 1493 . ~ [J .:.:.:.: 'on,''''' "" . re""" ,. port "" """",, "" kms 0 25 5p 75 100 I , , , , ,, 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles The Lordship of the Isles: dissolution JM,RWM 445
medieval-atlas/regional-and-local/446 The Lords of Galloway Following the death in 1234 of Alan, last of the male line of the Lords of Galloway, the demesne estates of the Lordship were partitioned between his three daughters and their husbands (see family tree). This arrangement lasted only until 1247, when the death without direct heirs of the second heiress, Christina, led to the redistribution of her estates between the surviving sisters. The nature of this original partition is unclear, but it would seem that the senior heiress, Helen, had gained most of the family estates around Kirkcudbright, the core of the early Lordship. Dervorguilla's principal interests were focused on eastern Galloway, with Buittle in the Vrr Valley and a series of important estates lying in the Glenkens and Dee Valley areas falling to her lot. Outlying manors in wt;stern Galloway, remote from these main territorial blocks, may have pertained originally to Christina's portion, being redistributed to her surviving sisters after her death. The succession of heiresses to the de Quincy estates in 1264 saw a further subdivision of the Galloway demesne, with Helen's portion falling to the Comyn, earl of Buchan, husband of Helen's second daughter, succeeded in acquiring the largest share of the estates, including the key castle of Cruggleton. His dominant position in western Galloway was se cured by his acquisition of the office of sheriff of Wigtown, putting his family in general control of the country west of the Cree. The fragmentation of the de Quincy estates left the Balliols as the largest single landowning family in the Lordship, a position augmented by the exchange of land outwith Galloway for estates assigned originally to the other portioners. The pattern of estates shown on the map below is drawn from a number of unrelated sources, there being no single survey of the Lordship demesne until the mid-15th century. The principal source for the Balliollands is the series of documents in the Rotuli Scotiae relating to the ancestral lands of Edward Balliol, 'restored' to him by Edward III in 1334. For the de Quincy estates, the inquest into the lands of Helen de la Zouche, the youngest daughter of Helen de Quincy, held at Berwick in 1296, provided much information. The list, however, is incomplete due to the poverty of the sources. Certain estates, moreover, passed in and out of the lordly demesne, e.g. Lochkindeloch, which in 1273 became the principal endowment of Dervorguilla's abbey of Sweetheart, or Borgue (not shown on the map), which came into her possession in 1282 through the quit claim of the tenant. /" .... , I .... .... /" I .... .... , • Kells/Kenmure • Burned Island Troqueer b\ • Kirkpatrick Durham Crossmichael. Lochindeloch • • Buittle .Craighlaw Balmaghie· °Kelton Preston Milmain • • I I o 10 20 miles •° Demesne estates of the lords of Galloway, Balliol lands Demesne estates of the lords of Galloway, other than Balliol lands The lords of Galloway: demesne lands of the later thirteenth century Alan, lord of Galloway ,-____________-------.------~(~1)1 ""k2~)_______________, I I· I Helen m Roger de Quincy d 1264 Christina (d 1247) rn William, Dervorguilla rn John Balliol earl Albernarle . Margaret rn Williarn Ferrars, Isabella m Alexander Cornyn, Helen rn Alan la Zouche earl of Derby earl of Buchan .... The lords of Galloway: genealogy RO 446
medieval-atlas/regional-and-local/447 Galloway: Douglas estates The map below is based upon the list of forfeited Douglas estates in Galloway accounted for in'September 1456 by Waiter, Abbot of Dundrennan, royal chamberlain for Galloway. The map is incomplete, as certain of the land names in 1456 are no longer identifiable. In general, however, those places shown on the map correspond to modem farms or topographical features. The Douglas lands in the southwest developed out of the grant in 1325 of the former Balliol manor of Buittle to Sir lames Douglas 'the Good', one of Robert I's principal adherents. This formed part ofthe entailed Douglas estates in t342, but found its way into the possession of Sir William Douglas of Liddesdale. In 1367, on the death without heirs of his daughter, Mary Douglas, Buittle passed into the possession of her cousin, Sir lames Douglas of Dalkeith. Rights to the estate were claimed by Archibald Douglas, illegitimate son of the 'Good Sir James', eventual head of the main line of the family, and the superiority was restored to him. This remained a major source of dispute with the Dalkeith line, but the right-of superiority remained with the descendants ofArchibald until their forfeiture in 1455. The component farms of the barony of Buittle formed one of the principal elements of the Douglas estate in Galloway, together with land in Balmaghie and Kelton forming the core ofthe demesne. The bulk ofthe Douglas estates were acquired in 1369, when David 11 granted Archibald the Grim all royal lands between the Nith and Cree in free barony. These were composed principally of the former estates of the Balliols, focusing on Kells and Balmaclellan in the Glenkens and Balmaghie, lower down the Dee Valley, where Archibald built his fortress of Threave. At this time also, he may have secured pos session of the Forest of Buchan, former Comyn territory which had been taken into the royal demesne by Robert I. Having achieved territorial dominance in eastern Galloway, Archibald turned to the lands of the Cree and in 1371 bought the earldom ofWig town from Thomas Fleming. The latter had been unable to control the minor nobility of that region, but Archibald's firm administration of the law and superior landed base in eastern Galloway enabled him to assert his overlordship. His purchase of the earldom brought him a concentration ofestates around Kirkinner, the main area ofFleming's interest, plus further portions of the former Balliol demesne in the southern Machars and Rhins, to a large extent reuniting the portions of the old Lordship of Galloway, divided since 1235. In 1388, Archibald succeeded to the earldom of Douglas and his lordship in Galloway was absorbed into the lands and titles of that dignity. •6 0 I 0 I 10 km 25 I I 20 miles 50 I I 30 I Almorness 2 Munches 3 Little Richorn 4 Col vend 5 Southwick 6 Preston 7 Culmain 8 Grange 9 MoteofUrr 10 Firth Head II Buittle 12 Halketleaths 13 Meikle Knox 14 Little Knox 15 Guffog Land 16 Clone 17 Cullinlaw 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 Corra Cuil Corbieton Kelton Slagnaw Dildawn Lochdougan Brockcleugh Balgreddan Marks Galtway Kelton Mains Threave Carlingwark Whitepark Midpark Cullenoch 35 Airds 36 Craigenbay 37 Garrary 38 Drumbuie 39 Clenrie 40 Largmore 41 Barskeoch 42 Earlston 43 Castlemaddy 44 Craighuie 45 Balmaclellan 46 Ironlosh 47 Lowes 48 Caldow 49 Bartaggart 50 Cubbox 51 Cassenvey 52 Barlay 53 Curse 54 Craig 55 Miefield 56 Trostrie 57 Culcaigrie 58 Senwick 59 Dunrod Point 60 Fintalloch 61 Tannilaggie 62 Killadam 63 Kirwaugh 64 Baldoon 65 Clauchrie 66 Kirbreen 67 Clutag 68 Bambarroch 69 Barglass 70 Knockann 71 Blairmaken 72 Knockencur 73 Knockefferick 74 Killdarroch 75 Corwar 76 Eggerness 77 Arbrack 78 Kidsdale 79 Larg 80 Cults 81 Leffnoll 82 Caldons 83 Culgroat 84 Balgreggan 85 A1ton 86 Forest of Buchan Douglas estates in Galloway 1456 447
medieval-atlas/regional-and-local/448 Orkney and Caithness The earls of Orkney and Caithness strove to retain their traditional independence in an era of growing royal power, when the kings of Scotland were determined to extend their authority over the northernmost parts of the Scottish mainland. The earl who suffered particularly from this process was Harold Maddadson (1139-1206) who had to face two royal expeditions against his Scottish earldom; the first (1196/97) after he had led a raid into Moray and his son had fought a battle near Inverness against 'the King's vassals'; the second (120112) after he had led an attack on the Bishop of Caithness who was at his castle of Scrabster, near Thurso. Earl Harold survived by submitting to King William, although his successors were to lose much land to the foremost of the 'king's vassals' in the north, the de Moravia family. The earl's Norwegian overlords managed to maintain some authority in the Northern and Western Isles by periodic naval expeditions. The fust historically authenticated was that of King Magnus in 1098 when he claimed all the islands off the Scottish coasts by sai ling round them, even being dragged in a skiff across the neck of Kintyre. At the same time, he firmly subjected the earls of Orkney to his authority and even tried to establish some control in Ireland, where he was killed on a second expedition. Harold Maddadson also had to submit to his Norwegian overlords, being forced to pay tribute to King Eystein when taken by surprise in the harbour of Thurso in 1151, and after being involved in the unsuccessful Eyskeggjar rising against King Sverre in 1193. On the latter occasion he was allowed to keep his island earldom although losing control of judicial rights in Orkney and forfeiting Shetland. The final effort to retain authority by the King of Norway, in a changing world, ended with the skirmish at Largs in 1263 and the retreat of the Norwegian fleet to Orkney. Significantly, Earl Magnus of Orkney had disappeared during the king's progress south and was not even present in Orkney when King Hakon returned, to die, in December 1263. kms o 25 5.0 75 1.00 b 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles The expeditions to Orkney and Caithness by the kings of Norway and Scotland 1098 to 1263 BEe 448
medieval-atlas/regional-and-local/449 Orkney and Caithness The enormous loss of power and influence suffered by the Norse earls of Orkney and Caithness is illustrated in this map. The problems experienced by Harald Maddadson and the forfeiture ofShetland have been discussed in the commentary to the previous map. His son, Earl John, was antagonistic to the church's policy of tithe exaction and allowed himself to be associated with the attack on Bishop Adam which resulted in the bishop's death by burning in his own manor house at Halkirk in 1222, and the subsequent avenging expedition of King Alexander to the north. The immediate result was the imposition of a heavy fine and the loss of lands by both the earl and those men of Caithness convicted of responsibility for the crime. Another very significant result was the moving of the main diocesan church to a safer location in Sutherland, where a cathedral was built at Dornoch. This was done by Gilbert de Moravia, appointed Bishop Adam's successor, whose relatives were already in possession oflands and rights in Sutherland, which was detached from the earl of Caithness' sphere of influence and erected into a separate earldom about 1235. Finally, the Scottish king was able to benefit from a very confused period of inheritance of the Caithness and Orkney earldoms, when the direct line died out and heiresses from the Scottish house of Angus inherited, one of whom, nobilis mulier domina Joanna, was married to another member of the de Moravia family and given half of the earldom lands in Caithness, which can be traced in the hands of her descimdants. The earls, left with a fraction of their former power and influence on the north Scottish mainland, were confined henceforth to the heartland of the former earls' dominion, the Orkney Islands. ~ Annexed by King Sverre of Norway 1195 Division of the earldom lands with Lady Joanna (wife of Freskin de Moravia) who held Strathnaver in her own right, c. 1240 Confiscation ofSutherland" which was erected into an earldomfor William de Moravia, c. 1235. Erected into a Cathedral by Bishop Ross Gilbert de Moravia, early 1230. Cathedral + Church U Earldom castle o I o 25, 10 20 kms 50 ,, 30 75, , 50 100 , , 60 ... Bishopric residence miles Reduction of the earldoms of Orkney and Caithness BEe 449
medieval-atlas/regional-and-local/450 The Borders from the eleventh to the thirteenth centuries Tbe last independent King of Cumbria or Strathclyde, Owain (the David I ruled Cumbria north of Solway in the reign of his Bald) son ofDyfnwal (Donald), died about 1018. His kingdom came brother Alexander I (1107-24), restoring the ancient see of Glas under the control of Maicolm n, King of Scots, who set over it as gow and bringing in feudatories of continental origin (Bruce, ruler (probably not as king) his own son-in-law Duncan son of Morville, Stewart, Soules, etc.) who built the region's earliest cas Crinan. Duncan succeeded as King of Scots in 1034 and even after tles. In 1136 David, now king of Scots, recovered 'English' Cum his death six years later at the hands ofMacbeth, Cumbria remained bria as far as Stainmore Common (the Rere or Rey Cross), and for a under Scottish rule, or at least within the Scottish sphere of infludecade (1139-49) controlled the Honour of Lancaster as far south ence. Its political history for the next two centuries was largely a as the Ribble. In 1157, the situation reverted to what it had been matter of shifting boundaries and a tug-of-war between northern from 1092 to 1136, for Henry II overawed the young King Maicolm and southern influences. The northernmost portion, Lennox, IV and wrested control, permanently as it proved of Cumberiand, strongly Gaelic when it emerges into record in the earlier 13th cenWestrnoriand (and, for good measure, Northumberland) from the tury, had almost certainly been absorbed within Scotia, i.e. ScotScots, thus putting the Border back on the Solway-Tweed line. land north of Forth and Clyde, before 1000. In the south west, GalThe twelfth century saw a thoroughgoing absorption of northern or loway was effectively a distinct kingdom and culture. Orily to'Scottish' Cumbria into the kingdom of the Scots, while the north wards the east and south do the Cumbrians seem to have mainern English counties, despite William the Lion's strenuous attempt tained their frontiers till the late eleventh century, although what to recover them (1173-4), became steadily integrated within the shire emerges as Cumberland and Westmorland had received and been based English governmental system. The Treaty of York (1237) irreversibly affected by intensive Scandinavian settlement from the formally confirmed the Border essentially on the line which it was tenth century or earlier, while English-speaking settlers, pressing to keep until the present day, save that important adjustments were westward up Tweeddale and Teviotdale, had begun to spill over made between Esk and Sark on the west, while on the east, Scotland into the Annan and Clyde valleys by about 1100. William II Rufus, lost Berwick-upon-Tweed. King of England, cut Cumbria in two in 1092, driving out the Scot tish-backed lord, Dolfin, son of Cospatric and introducing southern English settlers to supply and support his new castle at Carlisle. Clach Nam Breatann o~ \ \ Loch S cot a Lomond " Lennox (earldom) ", Dumbarton. ~ (Alclud) " 0. Glasgow ---- Renfrew. 17e (see restored\. u ~ 1115) ~ " l!. C'iJ Rutherglen LothiaU\ Biggar Qi .~::i:,~h~q.rf1J_,~~ " Crosscryne Ayr Corsencon (royal castle ° ~ ) 1197; lV· burgh 1205) ( t h s Annandale , \ "" 1 • Lochmab~ \ ~,;,\.'O-~~~ v.
medieval-atlas/regional-and-local/451 The Borders from the thirteenth to the sixteenth centuries By the mid-thirteenth century the Anglo-Scottish Border confirmed by the Treaty of York (1237), had settled down as a longestablished feature of the political landscape, although its innuence for social intercourse, landownership and settlement was relatively slight. Even politically, it must be noted that the treaty confirmed the Scottish king's lordship over the Liberty ofTyne dale (i.e. the valleys of North and South Tyne), and added the Honour of Penrith, on either side of the River Eden. Yet, as the Laws of the Marches (revised and formally promulgated in 1249) make clear, the border was a true international frontier separating two distinct jurisdictions and administrative structures, punctuated by recognised crossing places -whether up-to-date like Berwick Bridge, or archaic like the Clochmabenstane, embodying the name of the Celtic pagan deity Maponus. Thus, in Penrith and Tynedale, the courts held by authority of the king of Scots followed English law and procedures and met with the same frequency as the ..-.: Renfrew • bGlasgow STEWART • Rutherglen ~. Royal centre Glasgow Cathedral ~ The border with principal crossing places BALLIOL Some leading families and lordships eyres of assizes for Cumberland and Northumberland. orth of the Border the king's authority, when not exercised directly, was delegated to the justiciar of Lothian (sometimes reinforced by a justiciar of Galloway), below whom the key administrative officers were the sheriffs of Dumfries, Roxburgh and Berwick, normally appointed from powerful baronial families such as Lindsay, Maxwell or (rising fast in the thirteenth century) Randolph. In keeping with the prevalence ofpeaceful relations between the death of King John of England (1216) and the reign of King John of Scotland (1292-6), the border was relatively unmilitarized and only thinly furnished with fortifications. On the Scottish side the king had important castles at Berwick-upon-Tweed, Roxburgh, Jedburgh and Dumfries. His backup defence consisted partly of a Tweed-Clyde line marked by castles, hardly first-rate, at Selkirk, Peebles, Lanark and Rutherglen, partly of the major castles at Ayr (New Castle-upon-Ayr founded 1197), Edinburgh and Stir- Cockermouth • • Egremont kms 0 25 50 75 100 , ,, , , 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 miles The Borders about 1250: western side GWSB 451
medieval-atlas/regional-and-local/452 The Borders from the thirteenth to the sixteenth centuries ling. Magnatial strongpoints included Dunbar (earl of Dun bar), der region of southern Scotland was seen thus in the mid-thirteenth Dirleton (Vaux of Scotland), Hennitage (Soules 1244 ?), Lochmaben century. Scotland south of the Clyde-Forth line, save for Gallo(Bruce), Caerlaverock (Maxwell I 244?), Buittle (Balliol) and way, was by medieval standards populous and prosperous. The kings Crawford (Lindsay). On the English side, Newcastle and Carlisle frequented the many royal castles, houses and hunting lodges in were fonnidable strongholds, but represented a frontier withthe area between the Forth and the Cheviot Hill s, in Clydesdale, drawn southward, especially in the east, to which the lesser casTweeddale, Teviotdale and Lothian. This reflected a more fertile tles of Warkworth and Bamburgh scarcely formed exceptions. soil and favourable climate than characterized the northernmost The Bishop of Durham maintained a first-rate fortress at Norham, counties of England, although the long Eden Valley and parts of a bowshot from Scottish soil, but other magnatial castles, e.g. the lower Tyne had much productive land. The biggest contrast Wark on Tweed (Ros), Harbottle (Umfraville), Mitford (Bertram) between the Scottish and English border regions in the two or Morpeth (Merlay then Greystoke), Brampton (Vaux of England) three generations before the flfst war of independence lay in and Liddel Strength (Thrgis of Brundis), were of less consethe fact that the counties south of the frontier formed a remote and quence and only the fine Umfraville castle at Prudhoe, south of little-known part of the kingdom of England, whereas the sheriffdoms Tyne, could compare with Norham or the royal strongholds. Wark to the north constituted the Scottish realm's very heartland. on Tyne belonged to the king of Scots. It is doubtful if what later became thought of as the Bor f orlh f irlh 0\ VAUX • Oirleton DUNBAR 40unbar . !:::!gQQi.oglQIJ ~ QUINCY .....~erwick upon Tweed • Carstairs • Lauder J;.. Berwick Bridge Peebles . .~Norham, .---Blrgham .: P DURHAM Biggar Caddonlea __ • B . ~nh• • n -,"",-Wark """ • Roxbur9lJ.Reddep on Tweed Traguair . Burn .... Selkirk ... Crawford Alnwick • -~9lJ • k"'''''' Redeswir;.( ..::x • • Moltat .l'"'" UMFRAVILLE ~. • Harbol1le Hermitag~eadwater SOULES Lidde~~ COMYN BRUCE .~~{s;;'o. • EISdO~ltfOrd Morp~lh .. ' ~~FF;';' ... Bothal • Lochmaben ..' ;;;::: aIlY __ \ MAXWELL : ..... 'VAUX _w~.Wark on Tyne Annan 21'-;; ~~-" BALLIOL r------........---'l•. Clochmabenst8J1e. WA:;orbndge Bywell Brampton i'/-" ~.u •••• • Newcastle upon Tyne t • v€ Hexham P dh V Carhsle ~'2.t' ru oe P~. ~~~ ~Durham
medieval-atlas/regional-and-local/453 The Borders from the thirteenth to the sixteenth centuries The aims of Scottish frontier administration were adequate military defence and maintenance of law and order. The hilly terrain presented difficulties but warfare with England became less frequent in the sixteenth century. Peacetime administration was a matter for international control. All transgressions of the frontier, violent and non-violent, were expected to be submitted for settlement under the Laws of the Marches, which was administered by Scottish and English wardens of the Marches. There were three Marches on each • Castles • Meeting places o Other places Border between Scotland and England ~Main routes Boundary of the Marches ./%& The Debateable land side of the frontier -East, West and Middle -and each had its own warden, although at various times one warden might administer two marches. The Scottish middle March was divided during the sixteenth century and the Liddesdale area was separately administered by a keeper. Scottish and English wardens assembled at recognised meeting places to engage in diplomacy and dispense justice at 'days of truce', using procedures adapted so that the guilt or liability of defenders should be determined by their own countrymen . kms o I 25 , 50 ,, 75, , 100 , , miles The Borders in the sixteenth century TIR(MM) 453
medieval-atlas/regional-and-local/454 Forests By 12 14 Waiter Steward held three reserves including Renfrew. In Renfrew the Stewards faced the same problem as the king faced in royal forests, namely, the difficulty of maintaining a forest as a hunting reserve while at the same time permitting economic activity, whether grazing, woodcutting or leasing within the forest. In ~~p(ji~ \:1~ the thirteenth century, pasture fines were carefully organised: the fine was heavier in the close season and a watch was set; but no distinction was made in the open season between tended and untended animals. In 1208 x 1214, Waiter permitted Paisley to graze animals freely on their lands between the Old Patrick Water and the Espedair Bum; but these lands remained within his forest since he reserved the birds and beasts on them. lames Steward, by 1294-5, has tackled this problem much in the same way as Robert I did after him. He created a '!oresta prohibita' within his reserve where no economic activity was permitted, but liberated such exploitation in the rest of his reserve. The abbey had to pay the exactions -which had assumed the character of fines to a large extent -when their beasts were found on the unlet parts of the forest which presumably included theforesta prohibita. The map shows the Renfrew Forest and the other forests in the area with lands of the Stewards and Paisley Abbey. kms 100 miles GALA AND LEADER FOREST • 'Kert de' Paisley o Blackhall Park kms o 2 3 4 5 6 • Lands of tenants of Stewards I1 1 1 1 • Lands of Paisley Abbey I 1 1 I o 2 3 4 Renfrew Forest miles JMG 454
medieval-atlas/regional-and-local/455 Forests Hunting reserves were not only exploited by their owners. Some abbeys had exemptions from forest rights. The provision of fuel, the grazing of flocks, the co~struction of folds and shelters for the animals and of temporary shielings for the herdsmen must have made considerable inroads into a forest's vegetation and put pressure on the maintenance of a hunting, reserve. Such pressure was exerted in several reserves including Gala and Leader. The royal forest of Gala and Leader, first recorded in 1150 x 1152, must have been created shortly after 1136 when Melrose received pasture, pannage and the right to cut wood there. From its creation, this forest was subjected to the common activity of both laymen and ecclesiastics. Lands were held at Sorrowlessfield (by William Soroules), Kedslie (Alwin), Blainslie (William, son of Oein), lands near Kedslie (William de Lyndesay), lands near Blainslie (the Stewards) and Sorrowlessfield, Earlston and Lauder (earls of Dun bar). And the monks ofDryburgh held a grange at Kedslie ~ith a right of pasture in the forest. It appears that there had been a dispute between the monks of Melrose and Richard de Moreville because he tried to share in Melrose's pasture rights in the royal forest and because the monks objected to Richard's ''':::.~'\ .. ··0· (I • /_ • eo. 0 .... .-. . .",. . . ..........• . .-.. : • • .. • _: C) • ':0 0 .-0 -">. -">. 0 D ~'.0 0 ·:••••(;)0· •• 0 ~ ".0. ~ .Cl. o o :0"0 0 ••••0. 0 "'0 0 0 o "00 0 "0 ·0 0 0 co ···.0 0 Q/ ···.0 0 0 ,,~ "'4-•••.0 0 Q °.° 0 .Cl. ....~ ".0 0 0 ,;. "'og 0 0 •••• -Q .....--....... - '. 0 .. 0 .. 0 ~ ~..":".. .. rllWoodi,"d ~"""'''''........., ......' ...: ...~ 0_ ': a Woodland scrub and grass ~ ---Moss-peat ::'-:-Moor o ~::: Marsh • .. Shaded symbols ...... Direct charter evidence Gala and Leader Forest: vegetation 455 hunting throughout the forest (especially in Threepwood) and the monks tried to increase their buildings in the forest. The first map gives an indication of the vegetation of the Gala and Leader Forest; and the second map shows the land use and routes in the forest. • LEADER FOREST ll. it __....' ..~.........--.....:r....__ ',. Land use a Arable land, direct charter evidence .. Arable land, no direct charter evidence o Pastoral land, direct charter evidence • Pastoral land, no direct charter evidence _ Routes, direct charter evidence •••••Routes, probable Gala and Leader Forest: land use and routes I o miles I 2 I 3
medieval-atlas/regional-and-local/456 Burghs: development of Edinburgh 1550 to 1650 In 1400 Edinburgh had reportedly only 400 houses. Its population by 1558, when 736 merchants and 717 craftsmen (both with their apprentices and servants included) were recorded in a muster roll, Edinburgh was divided into four quarters and, also like other Scottish burghs, it was made up of only one parish -until 1592. In that year a census was conducted by the kirk session, which revealed 2,239 households and exactly 8,000 examinable persons (over 12 years of age) within. the burgh walls. The kirk sought eight new model parishes, eacR-\i;ith 1,000 communicants but had to settle, until the 1640s, for four, each based on one of the old quarters. By 1635, when a novel annuity tax, based on the valued rent of each household, was levied to pay for the burgh's ministers, the number Nor' Loch 899 North-West 520 11111 :: : 1,157 1111I _5~7_ \\ ~HH Telfer's Wail -----.. \ '\ ,',. Development of Edinburgh: number of households 1592, 1635 2,239 By 1635 each quarter had, for ease of administration, been (North-west 1,2,3 ... ) beginning and ending at the Grassmarket. was about 12,000. Although this was at least twice the size ofany other Scottish town, it did not fully reflect either Edinburgh's position as an administrative capital or its growing stranglehold over Scotland's export trade. of households had sharply increased, by 74 per cent, to 3,901; there were, in addition, a further 903 business premises. Its total population is likely to have been between 21,000 and 23, 500. And beyond its walls lay three other sizeable burghs -the Canongate and North and South .Leith -making up 'greater Edinburgh'; its total population mus'! hrve~n in the region of 35,000. ~TONHILL ~ ~ ~ Canongate South-East St. Leonards TOTALS 3,901 divided into sub-thirds, Which proceeded in a clockwise direction Nor' Loch NW2 NW3 R 72 , NEl 00234 ..:-: 178 , :~:~: 242 ..... 0 D2gg College' or Univers;ity , , , ,~. -~----\~ Telfer's Wai, ----.-.. ~ ~TONH!LL NE2 Canongate SE2 SEt f:ffiI 54: lliill295: :::: 71 '. '.' : ~402 : lliill TOTALS 903 3,901 456
medieval-atlas/regional-and-local/457 Burghs: development ofEdinburgh 1550 to 1650 One reason for the markedly different rates of population increase between the southern and northern quarters of the town was terrain. On the steepest parts of the ridge, above St Giles' and to the north of the High Street, only well-built and expensive multi-storeyed tenements, such as Gladstone's Land which sti ll stands, were likely to accommodate growing numbers. Further similar building, behind the market frontage of the Lawnmarket, had to wait until the 1670s. But two other patterns lay behind the population increase of 95% Nor' Loch NW2 NW3 Castle , , 61 Business ' , ? . ---. ,~ Households Ti-'f----------\'\ e er's Wall \: on the south side: cheaper building and the filling-in of backlands was more viable in the south-east quarter between the High Street and the Cowgate where the slope slackened; and growth made heavy demands on south-west 3 and north-west I, where much ofthe town's stables and unpleasant industries had long been sited. The former was a novel pattern in burgh settlement, for rich and poor had until then mixed more closely together, often separated more by storeys oftenements (the poor at street level) rather than by richer and poorer geographic quarters. ~LTONHILL NE2 Canongate ....38 31 ," , 0 '. Netherbow h Stree --_ _ _ _ _ _ -=:::o:::rt==== NE3 27 ..... 31 , SE2 SEI _ 28 56 Development of Edinburgh: average rents of households 1635 These more sharply defined divisions in settlement patterns ness premises, too. reflect the gulf between the merchant's or mon are confirmed by different levels of household rent, which ranged eylender's booth and the skinner's or candlemaker's workshop, typi from the £360 in the Lawnmarket to £4 barely 300 yards away, on cally pushed to the urban periphery. the south side of Grassmarket. The varying levels of rent for busi- Metres 105 Development of Edinburgh: relief ML 457
medieval-atlas/regional-and-local/458 Settlement in burghs Although the burgh as a formal institution was freshly imported into Scotland at the beginning of the twelfth century, it owed much, as a unit of human settlement, to the nucleated village familiar in Britain wherever Germanic settlers had established permanent agrarian communities; and it may have owed something, in purely physical terms, to at least the more simply planned among the trading towns (,Ports', 'boroughs') ofEngland and Flanders. The plans given here are .designed to show evolution of types of layout, from the pristine simplicity of Forres to the relative complexity of Glasgow or Berwick upon Tweed, and also the various ways in which burgh plans were adapted to physical problems of terrain or to changing historical circumstances. It will be noted that save at Perth (and to some extent at Berwick) Scots burghs were not enclosed by walls but relied on 'back dykes', often represented by modem roads and building plots, punctuated by gates ('ports') which marked the entry and exit points of principal highways. The peripheral yet associated placing of a castle, never itself it part of the burgh, is noteworthy, as is the siting-whether central as at Elgin, or peripheral as at Ayr -of the chief parish kirk. These plans are derived from a detailed analysis of the property and street boundaries shown on eighteenth century plans of Perth. These early cartographic sources have then been compared in great detail with the first 1:500 Ordnanc/s1vey plan of Perth in order to provide a standard accuracy oMa~urement. The careful identification of the largely man made boundaries within the town, has allowed the various phases in the towns growth to be identified. Earliest Early twelfth century Mid-twelfth century , I ___ : '- Late twelfth century Thirteenth century Settlement in Perth RMS 458
medieval-atlas/regional-and-local/459 Settlement in burghs These plans are derived from a detailed analysis of the property and vide a standard accuracy of measurement. The careful identification of street boundaries shown on eighteenth century plans of Perth. These the largely man made boundaries within the town, has allowed the vari early cartographic sources have then been compared in great detail ous phases in the towns growth to be identified. with the first I :500 Ordnance Survey plan of Perth in order to pro a Watergate b High Street Kirkgate d Skinnergate e Castlegable f Curfew Row South Street h Cow Vennel Flesher's Close Roger's Close Early fourteenth century k Meal Vennel I Candlemakers Close m New Row n Mill Wynd 0 Baxter's Vennel p Glen Close q St John's Church Dominican Friary s Franciscan Friary t Carthusian Monastery Fifteenth to sixteenth centuries Settlement in Perth RMS 459
medieval-atlas/regional-and-local/460 Settlement in burghs The development of settlement portrayed in this series above is teenth and nineteenth centuries. Archaeological excavation, particularly largely based on documentary sources available for a study of the the recent work of the Scottish Urban Archaeological Trust, has promedieval burgh and on town plans produced between the seven-vided supplementary evidence. Ri v e r Kelvin Location map, showing drumlins ............................. . ....................... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Before 1175 About 1225 Settlement in Glasgow EPD 460
medieval-atlas/regional-and-local/461 Settlement in burghs ............................. Deanside Well. About 1550 EPD Settlement in Glasgow 461
medieval-atlas/regional-and-local/462 Settlement in burghs This series indicating the development of settlement is necessarily conjectural to some extent. Reliance has been placed on a relatively narrow range of source material since much of the documentation of early medieval Dundee has been lost. Archaeological evidence is minimal and likely to remain so. Town council minute books, burgh head court books, protocol books and records of the guild merchant, crafts, presbytery and kirk session have survived from the late sixteenth or early seventeenth centuries. These, together with maps dating from the seventeenth century to the nineteenth are the basic sources. St. Nicholas Craig Late eleventh century Scouring Burn • _ ... .... ""'''~-;::-,''-- SI. Nicholas Craig Late thirteenth century Late fifteenth century Settlement in Dundee EPD 462
medieval-atlas/regional-and-local/463 Atlas of Scottish History to 1707 This atlas has been produced under the imprint of The Scottish Medievalists and the Department of Geography of the University of Edinburgh. It replaces the earlier work, An Historical Atlas of Scotland c.400 -c.1600 which was published in 1975 by the Scottish Medievalists and which went out of print some years ago. The present atlas has been almost fifteen years in the making. It contains not only maps, but also diagrams, plans, charts and tables covering the history of Scotland from the earliest times up to 1707, along with explanatory texts where these are necessary. The table of contents shows the range of matters covered in the atlas. Naturally, most of the atlas is concerned with the lands which were later to form the kingdom of Scotland: but other maps deal with Scotland's contact with other countries -chiefly with the nearest neighbour, England, but also with Ireland, several parts of Europe, a small part of Asia and the Americas. A large part of Scottish history deals with invasions by whole peoples, such as the Angles from the south and the Scots from the west as well as the inward flow of military invaders from Agricola to Cromwell and the less frequent and less successful invasions of England by the Scots. The development of the church and of the royal administration over the period is covered in large sections; and the section dealing with economic affairs is the largest of all. It includes such topics as the burghs, taxation and the trends in domestic and foreign trade. It has been possible to keep the price of the atlas at a figure within the reach of students, because of the generosity of benefactors and because the contributors assigned their copyright in the atlas to its trustees who are recognised as a charity. As with the previous atlas, this new enlarged atlas is designed not only for students but also for 'anyone who has an interest in the development of Scotland. The design on this page is a drawing by Anona Lyons of a rare whalebone plaque carved with horses heads. The plaque was part of a find excavated in November 1991 from the site of a Viking burial boat on the island of Sanday in Orkney. Cover illustration: from L'Armorial de la Toisin d'or, MS 4790, Bibliotheque de L'Arsenal, Paris, ,f \1 ~~ [\ iI (\'